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<b>100 greatest speeches of American</b>

<b>Barbara Jordan: 1976 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address </b>
"Who, then, will speak for the common good?"

<i>(delivered 12 July 1976, New York, NY)</i>

Thank you ladies and gentlemen for a very warm reception.

It was one hundred and forty-four years ago that members of the Democratic Party first met in
convention to select a Presidential candidate. Since that time, Democrats have continued to convene
once every four years and draft a party platform and nominate a Presidential candidate. And our
meeting this week is a continuation of that tradition. But there is something different about tonight.
There is something special about tonight. What is different? What is special?

I, Barbara Jordan, am a keynote speaker.

When -- A lot of years passed since 1832, and during that time it would have been most unusual for
any national political party to ask a Barbara Jordan to deliver a keynote address. But tonight, here I
am. And I feel -- I feel that notwithstanding the past that my presence here is one additional bit of
evidence that the American Dream need not forever be deferred.

Now -- Now that I have this grand distinction, what in the world am I supposed to say? I could easily
spend this time praising the accomplishments of this party and attacking the Republicans -- but I don't
choose to do that. I could list the many problems which Americans have. I could list the problems
which cause people to feel cynical, angry, frustrated: problems which include lack of integrity in
government; the feeling that the individual no longer counts; the reality of material and spiritual
poverty; the feeling that the grand American experiment is failing or has failed. I could recite these
problems, and then I could sit down and offer no solutions. But I don't choose to do that either. The
citizens of America expect more. They deserve and they want more than a recital of problems.
We are a people in a quandary about the present. We are a people in search of our future. We are a
people in search of a national community. We are a people trying not only to solve the problems of

the present, unemployment, inflation, but we are attempting on a larger scale to fulfill the promise of
America. We are attempting to fulfill our national purpose, to create and sustain a society in which all
of us are equal.

Throughout -- Throughout our history, when people have looked for new ways to solve their

problems and to uphold the principles of this nation, many times they have turned to political parties.
They have often turned to the Democratic Party. What is it? What is it about the Democratic Party
that makes it the instrument the people use when they search for ways to shape their future? Well I
believe the answer to that question lies in our concept of governing. Our concept of governing is
derived from our view of people. It is a concept deeply rooted in a set of beliefs firmly etched in the
national conscience of all of us.

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I think it no accident that most of those immigrating to America in the 19th century identified with
the Democratic Party. We are a heterogeneous party made up of Americans of diverse backgrounds.
We believe that the people are the source of all governmental power; that the authority of the people
is to be extended, not restricted.

This -- This can be accomplished only by providing each citizen with every opportunity to participate
in the management of the government. They must have that, we believe. We believe that the

government which represents the authority of all the people, not just one interest group, but all the
people, has an obligation to actively -- underscore actively -- seek to remove those obstacles which
would block individual achievement -- obstacles emanating from race, sex, economic condition. The
government must remove them, seek to remove them. We.

We are a party -- We are a party of innovation. We do not reject our traditions, but we are willing to
adapt to changing circumstances, when change we must. We are willing to suffer the discomfort of
change in order to achieve a better future. We have a positive vision of the future founded on the
belief that the gap between the promise and reality of America can one day be finally closed. We

believe that.

This, my friends is the bedrock of our concept of governing. This is a part of the reason why
Americans have turned to the Democratic Party. These are the foundations upon which a national
community can be built. Let all understand that these guiding principles cannot be discarded for
short-term political gains. They represent what this country is all about. They are indigenous to the
American idea. And these are principles which are not negotiable.

In other times -- In other times, I could stand here and give this kind of exposition on the beliefs of
the Democratic Party and that would be enough. But today that is not enough. People want more.
That is not sufficient reason for the majority of the people of this country to decide to vote

Democratic. We have made mistakes. We realize that. We admit our mistakes. In our haste to do all
things for all people, we did not foresee the full consequences of our actions. And when the people
raised their voices, we didn't hear. But our deafness was only a temporary condition, and not an
irreversible condition.

Even as I stand here and admit that we have made mistakes, I still believe that as the people of
America sit in judgment on each party, they will recognize that our mistakes were mistakes of the
heart. They'll recognize that.

And now -- now we must look to the future. Let us heed the voice of the people and recognize their
common sense. If we do not, we not only blaspheme our political heritage, we ignore the common
ties that bind all Americans. Many fear the future. Many are distrustful of their leaders, and believe
that their voices are never heard. Many seek only to satisfy their private work -- wants; to satisfy their
private interests. But this is the great danger America faces -- that we will cease to be one nation and
become instead a collection of interest groups: city against suburb, region against region, individual
against individual; each seeking to satisfy private wants. If that happens, who then will speak for
America? Who then will speak for the common good?

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As a first step -- As a first step, we must restore our belief in ourselves. We are a generous people, so
why can't we be generous with each other? We need to take to heart the words spoken by Thomas
Jefferson:

Let us restore the social intercourse -- "Let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and that
affection without which liberty and even life are but dreary things."

A nation is formed by the willingness of each of us to share in the responsibility for upholding the
common good. A government is invigorated when each one of us is willing to participate in shaping
the future of this nation. In this election year, we must define the "common good" and begin again to
shape a common future. Let each person do his or her part. If one citizen is unwilling to participate,
all of us are going to suffer. For the American idea, though it is shared by all of us, is realized in each
one of us.

And now, what are those of us who are elected public officials supposed to do? We call ourselves
"public servants" but I'll tell you this: We as public servants must set an example for the rest of the
nation. It is hypocritical for the public official to admonish and exhort the people to uphold the
common good if we are derelict in upholding the common good. More is required -- More is required
of public officials than slogans and handshakes and press releases. More is required. We must hold
ourselves strictly accountable. We must provide the people with a vision of the future.

If we promise as public officials, we must deliver. If -- If we as public officials propose, we must
produce. If we say to the American people, "It is time for you to be sacrificial" -- sacrifice. If the
public official says that, we [public officials] must be the first to give. We must be. And again, if we
make mistakes, we must be willing to admit them. We have to do that. What we have to do is strike a
balance between the idea that government should do everything and the idea, the belief, that

government ought to do nothing. Strike a balance.

Let there be no illusions about the difficulty of forming this kind of a national community. It's tough,

difficult, not easy. But a spirit of harmony will survive in America only if each of us remembers that
we share a common destiny; if each of us remembers, when self-interest and bitterness seem to
prevail, that we share a common destiny.

I have confidence that we can form this kind of national community.
I have confidence that the Democratic Party can lead the way.
I have that confidence.

We cannot improve on the system of government handed down to us by the founders of the Republic.
There is no way to improve upon that. But what we can do is to find new ways to implement that
system and realize our destiny.

Now I began this speech by commenting to you on the uniqueness of a Barbara Jordan making a
keynote address. Well I am going to close my speech by quoting a Republican President and I ask
you that as you listen to these words of Abraham Lincoln, relate them to the concept of a national
community in which every last one of us participates:

"As I would not be a slave, so I would not be a master." This -- This -- "This expresses my idea of
Democracy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of the difference, is no Democracy."

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<b>Ronald Reagan: The Space Shuttle "Challenger" Tragedy Address </b>

"We'll continue our quest in space. There will be more shuttle flights...more volunteers, more
civilians, more teachers in space."

<i>(delivered 28 January 1986) </i>

Ladies and Gentlemen, I'd planned to speak to you tonight to report on the state of the Union, but the
events of earlier today have led me to change those plans. Today is a day for mourning and

remembering. Nancy and I are pained to the core by the tragedy of the shuttle Challenger. We know
we share this pain with all of the people of our country. This is truly a national loss.

Nineteen years ago, almost to the day, we lost three astronauts in a terrible accident on the ground.
But we've never lost an astronaut in flight. We've never had a tragedy like this. And perhaps we've
forgotten the courage it took for the crew of the shuttle. But they, the Challenger Seven, were aware
of the dangers, but overcame them and did their jobs brilliantly. We mourn seven heroes: Michael
Smith, Dick Scobee, Judith Resnik, Ronald McNair, Ellison Onizuka, Gregory Jarvis, and Christa
McAuliffe. We mourn their loss as a nation together.

For the families of the seven, we cannot bear, as you do, the full impact of this tragedy. But we feel
the loss, and we're thinking about you so very much. Your loved ones were daring and brave, and
they had that special grace, that special spirit that says, "Give me a challenge, and I'll meet it with
joy." They had a hunger to explore the universe and discover its truths. They wished to serve, and
they did. They served all of us.

We've grown used to wonders in this century. It's hard to dazzle us. But for twenty-five years the
United States space program has been doing just that. We've grown used to the idea of space, and,
perhaps we forget that we've only just begun. We're still pioneers. They, the members of the
Challenger crew, were pioneers.

And I want to say something to the schoolchildren of America who were watching the live coverage
of the shuttle's take-off. I know it's hard to understand, but sometimes painful things like this happen.
It's all part of the process of exploration and discovery. It's all part of taking a chance and expanding
man's horizons. The future doesn't belong to the fainthearted; it belongs to the brave. The Challenger
crew was pulling us into the future, and we'll continue to follow them.

I've always had great faith in and respect for our space program. And what happened today does
nothing to diminish it. We don't hide our space program. We don't keep secrets and cover things up.
We do it all up front and in public. That's the way freedom is, and we wouldn't change it for a minute.

We'll continue our quest in space. There will be more shuttle flights and more shuttle crews and, yes,
more volunteers, more civilians, more teachers in space. Nothing ends here; our hopes and our
journeys continue.

I want to add that I wish I could talk to every man and woman who works for NASA, or who worked
on this mission and tell them: "Your dedication and professionalism have moved and impressed us
for decades. And we know of your anguish. We share it."

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The crew of the space shuttle Challenger honored us by the manner in which they lived their lives.
We will never forget them, nor the last time we saw them, this morning, as they prepared for their
journey and waved goodbye and "slipped the surly bonds of earth" to "touch the face of God."
Thank you

<b>Richard M. Nixon: "Checkers" </b>

"...the kids, like all kids, love the dog, and...regardless of what they say about it, we're gonna keep it."

<i>(delivered 23 September 1952)</i>

My Fellow Americans,

I come before you tonight as a candidate for the Vice Presidency and as a man whose honesty and
integrity has been questioned.

Now, the usual political thing to do when charges are made against you is to either ignore them or to
deny them without giving details. I believe we've had enough of that in the United States, particularly
with the present Administration in Washington, D.C. To me the office of the Vice Presidency of the
United States is a great office, and I feel that the people have got to have confidence in the integrity
of the men who run for that office and who might obtain it.

I have a theory, too, that the best and only answer to a smear or to an honest misunderstanding of the
facts is to tell the truth. And that's why I'm here tonight. I want to tell you my side of the case. I'm
sure that you have read the charge, and you've heard it, that I, Senator Nixon, took 18,000 dollars
from a group of my supporters.

Now, was that wrong? And let me say that it was wrong. I'm saying, incidentally, that it was wrong,
not just illegal, because it isn't a question of whether it was legal or illegal, that isn't enough. The
question is, was it morally wrong? I say that it was morally wrong -- if any of that 18,000 dollars
went to Senator Nixon, for my personal use. I say that it was morally wrong if it was secretly given
and secretly handled. And I say that it was morally wrong if any of the contributors got special favors
for the contributions that they made.

And now to answer those questions let me say this: Not one cent of the 18,000 dollars or any other
money of that type ever went to me for my personal use. Every penny of it was used to pay for
political expenses that I did not think should be charged to the taxpayers of the United States. It was
not a secret fund. As a matter of fact, when I was on "Meet the Press" -- some of you may have seen
it last Sunday -- Peter Edson came up to me after the program, and he said, "Dick, what about this
"fund" we hear about?" And I said, "Well, there's no secret about it. Go out and see Dana Smith who
was the administrator of the fund." And I gave him [Edson] his [Smith's] address. And I said you will
find that the purpose of the fund simply was to defray political expenses that I did not feel should be
charged to the Government.

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did you have to have it?" Let me tell you in just a word how a Senate office operates. First of all, a
Senator gets 15,000 dollars a year in salary. He gets enough money to pay for one trip a year -- a
round trip, that is -- for himself and his family between his home and Washington, D.C. And then he
gets an allowance to handle the people that work in his office to handle his mail. And the allowance
for my State of California is enough to hire 13 people. And let me say, incidentally, that that

allowance is not paid to the Senator. It's paid directly to the individuals that the Senator puts on his
pay roll. But all of these people and all of these allowances are for strictly official business; business,

for example, when a constituent writes in and wants you to go down to the Veteran's Administration
and get some information about his GI policy -- items of that type, for example. But there are other
expenses which are not covered by the Government. And I think I can best discuss those expenses by
asking you some questions.

Do you think that when I or any other Senator makes a political speech, has it printed, should charge
the printing of that speech and the mailing of that speech to the taxpayers? Do you think, for

example, when I or any other Senator makes a trip to his home State to make a purely political speech
that the cost of that trip should be charged to the taxpayers? Do you think when a Senator makes
political broadcasts or political television broadcasts, radio or television, that the expense of those
broadcasts should be charged to the taxpayers? Well I know what your answer is. It's the same
answer that audiences give me whenever I discuss this particular problem: The answer is no. The
taxpayers shouldn't be required to finance items which are not official business but which are
primarily political business.

Well, then the question arises, you say, "Well, how do you pay for these and how can you do it
legally?" And there are several ways that it can be done, incidentally, and that it is done legally in the
United States Senate and in the Congress. The first way is to be a rich man. I don't happen to be a rich
man, so I couldn't use that one. Another way that is used is to put your wife on the pay roll. Let me
say, incidentally, that my opponent, my opposite number for the Vice Presidency on the Democratic
ticket, does have his wife on the pay roll and has had it -- her on his pay roll for the ten years -- for
the past ten years. Now just let me say this: That's his business, and I'm not critical of him for doing
that. You will have to pass judgment on that particular point.

But I have never done that for this reason: I have found that there are so many deserving

stenographers and secretaries in Washington that needed the work that I just didn't feel it was right to
put my wife on the pay roll. My wife's sitting over here. She's a wonderful stenographer. She used to
teach stenography and she used to teach shorthand in high school. That was when I met her. And I

can tell you folks that she's worked many hours at night and many hours on Saturdays and Sundays in
my office, and she's done a fine job, and I am proud to say tonight that in the six years I've been in
the House and the Senate of the United States, Pat Nixon has never been on the Government pay roll.
What are other ways that these finances can be taken care of? Some who are lawyers, and I happen to
be a lawyer, continue to practice law, but I haven't been able to do that. I'm so far away from

California that I've been so busy with my senatorial work that I have not engaged in any legal
practice. And, also, as far as law practice is concerned, it seemed to me that the relationship between
an attorney and the client was so personal that you couldn't possibly represent a man as an attorney
and then have an unbiased view when he presented his case to you in the event that he had one before
Government.

And so I felt that the best way to handle these necessary political expenses of getting my message to
the American people and the speeches I made -- the speeches that I had printed for the most part
concerned this one message of exposing this Administration, the Communism in it, the corruption in
it -- the only way that I could do that was to accept the aid which people in my home State of

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And let me say I'm proud of the fact that not one of them has ever asked me for a special favor. I'm
proud of the fact that not one of them has ever asked me to vote on a bill other than of my own
conscience would dictate. And I am proud of the fact that the taxpayers, by subterfuge or otherwise,
have never paid one dime for expenses which I thought were political and shouldn't be charged to the
taxpayers.

Let me say, incidentally, that some of you may say, "Well, that's all right, Senator, that's your
explanation, but have you got any proof?" And I'd like to tell you this evening that just an hour ago
we received an independent audit of this entire fund. I suggested to Governor Sherman Adams, who
is the Chief of Staff of the Dwight Eisenhower campaign, that an independent audit and legal report
be obtained, and I have that audit here in my hands. It's an audit made by the Price Waterhouse &
Company firm, and the legal opinion by Gibson, Dunn, & Crutcher, lawyers in Los Angeles, the
biggest law firm, and incidentally, one of the best ones in Los Angeles.

I am proud to be able to report to you tonight that this audit and this legal opinion is being forwarded
to General Eisenhower. And I'd like to read to you the opinion that was prepared by Gibson, Dunn, &
Crutcher, and based on all the pertinent laws and statutes, together with the audit report prepared by
the certified public accountants. Quote:

It is our conclusion that Senator Nixon did not obtain any financial gain from the collection and
disbursement of the fund by Dana Smith; that Senator Nixon did not violate any federal or state law
by reason of the operation of the fund; and that neither the portion of the fund paid by Dana Smith
directly to third persons, nor the portion paid to Senator Nixon, to reimburse him for designated
office expenses, constituted income to the Senator which was either reportable or taxable as income
under applicable tax laws.

(signed)

Gibson, Dunn, & Crutcher,
by Elmo H. Conley

Now that, my friends, is not Nixon speaking, but that's an independent audit which was requested,
because I want the American people to know all the facts, and I am not afraid of having independent
people go in and check the facts, and that is exactly what they did. But then I realized that there are
still some who may say, and rightfully so -- and let me say that I recognize that some will continue to
smear regardless of what the truth may be -- but that there has been, understandably, some honest
misunderstanding on this matter, and there are some that will say, "Well, maybe you were able,
Senator, to fake this thing. How can we believe what you say? After all, is there a possibility that
maybe you got some sums in cash? Is there a possibility that you may have feathered your own nest?"
And so now, what I am going to do -- and incidentally this is unprecedented in the history of

American politics -- I am going at this time to give to this television and radio audio -- audience, a
complete financial history, everything I've earned, everything I've spent, everything I own. And I

want you to know the facts.

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Then, in 1942, I went into the service. Let me say that my service record was not a particularly
unusual one. I went to the South Pacific. I guess I'm entitled to a couple of battle stars. I got a couple
of letters of commendation. But I was just there when the bombs were falling. And then I returned --
returned to the United States, and in 1946, I ran for the Congress. When we came out of the war --
Pat and I -- Pat during the war had worked as a stenographer, and in a bank, and as an economist for a
Government agency -- and when we came out, the total of our savings, from both my law practice,
her teaching and all the time that I was in the war, the total for that entire period was just a little less
than 10,000 dollars. Every cent of that, incidentally, was in Government bonds. Well that's where we
start, when I go into politics.

Now, what have I earned since I went into politics? Well, here it is. I've jotted it down. Let me read
the notes. First of all, I've had my salary as a Congressman and as a Senator. Second, I have received
a total in this past six years of 1600 dollars from estates which were in my law firm at the time that I
severed my connection with it. And, incidentally, as I said before, I have not engaged in any legal
practice and have not accepted any fees from business that came into the firm after I went into
politics. I have made an average of approximately 1500 dollars a year from nonpolitical speaking
engagements and lectures.

And then, fortunately, we've inherited a little money. Pat sold her interest in her father's estate for
3,000 dollars, and I inherited 1500 dollars from my grandfather. We lived rather modestly. For four
years we lived in an apartment in Parkfairfax, in Alexandria, Virginia. The rent was 80 dollars a
month. And we saved for the time that we could buy a house. Now, that was what we took in. What
did we do with this money? What do we have today to show for it? This will surprise you because it
is so little, I suppose, as standards generally go of people in public life.

First of all, we've got a house in Washington, which cost 41,000 dollars and on which we owe 20,000
dollars. We have a house in Whittier, California which cost 13,000 dollars and on which we owe
3000 dollars. My folks are living there at the present time. I have just 4000 dollars in life insurance,

plus my GI policy which I've never been able to convert, and which will run out in two years. I have
no life insurance whatever on Pat. I have no life insurance on our two youngsters, Tricia and Julie. I
own a 1950 Oldsmobile car. We have our furniture. We have no stocks and bonds of any type. We
have no interest of any kind, direct or indirect, in any business. Now, that's what we have. What do
we owe?

Well in addition to the mortgage, the 20,000 dollar mortgage on the house in Washington, the 10,000
dollar one on the house in Whittier, I owe 4500 dollars to the Riggs Bank in Washington, D.C., with
interest 4 and 1/2 percent. I owe 3500 dollars to my parents, and the interest on that loan, which I pay
regularly, because it's the part of the savings they made through the years they were working so hard
-- I pay regularly 4 percent interest. And then I have a 500 dollar loan, which I have on my life
insurance.

Well, that's about it. That's what we have. And that's what we owe. It isn't very much. But Pat and I
have the satisfaction that every dime that we've got is honestly ours. I should say this, that Pat doesn't
have a mink coat. But she does have a respectable Republican cloth coat, and I always tell her she'd
look good in anything.

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It isn't easy to come before a nationwide audience and bare your life, as I've done. But I want to say
some things before I conclude that I think most of you will agree on. Mr. Mitchell, the Chairman of
the Democratic National Committee, made this statement -- that if a man couldn't afford to be in the
United States Senate, he shouldn't run for the Senate. And I just want to make my position clear. I
don't agree with Mr. Mitchell when he says that only a rich man should serve his Government in the
United States Senate or in the Congress. I don't believe that represents the thinking of the Democratic
Party, and I know that it doesn't represent the thinking of the Republican Party.

I believe that it's fine that a man like Governor Stevenson, who inherited a fortune from his father,
can run for President. But I also feel that it's essential in this country of ours that a man of modest
means can also run for President, because, you know, remember Abraham Lincoln, you remember
what he said: "God must have loved the common people -- he made so many of them."

And now I'm going to suggest some courses of conduct. First of all, you have read in the papers about
other funds, now. Mr. Stevenson apparently had a couple -- one of them in which a group of business
people paid and helped to supplement the salaries of State employees. Here is where the money went
directly into their pockets, and I think that what Mr. Stevenson should do should be to come before
the American people, as I have, give the names of the people that contributed to that fund, give the
names of the people who put this money into their pockets at the same time that they were receiving
money from their State government and see what favors, if any, they gave out for that.

I don't condemn Mr. Stevenson for what he did, but until the facts are in there is a doubt that will be
raised. And as far as Mr. Sparkman is concerned, I would suggest the same thing. He's had his wife
on the payroll. I don't condemn him for that, but I think that he should come before the American
people and indicate what outside sources of income he has had. I would suggest that under the
circumstances both Mr. Sparkman and Mr. Stevenson should come before the American people, as I
have, and make a complete financial statement as to their financial history, and if they don't it will be
an admission that they have something to hide. And I think you will agree with me -- because, folks,
remember, a man that's to be President of the United States, a man that's to be Vice President of the
United States, must have the confidence of all the people. And that's why I'm doing what I'm doing.
And that's why I suggest that Mr. Stevenson and Mr. Sparkman, since they are under attack, should
do what they're doing.

Now let me say this: I know that this is not the last of the smears. In spite of my explanation tonight,
other smears will be made. Others have been made in the past. And the purpose of the smears, I
know, is this: to silence me; to make me let up. Well, they just don't know who they're dealing with.
I'm going to tell you this: I remember in the dark days of the Hiss case some of the same columnists,
some of the same radio commentators who are attacking me now and misrepresenting my position,
were violently opposing me at the time I was after Alger Hiss. But I continued to fight because I
knew I was right, and I can say to this great television and radio audience that I have no apologies to
the American people for my part in putting Alger Hiss where he is today. And as far as this is

concerned, I intend to continue to fight.

Why do I feel so deeply? Why do I feel that in spite of the smears, the misunderstanding, the
necessity for a man to come up here and bare his soul as I have -- why is it necessary for me to
continue this fight? And I want to tell you why. Because, you see, I love my country. And I think my
country is in danger. And I think the only man that can save America at this time is the man that's
running for President, on my ticket -- Dwight Eisenhower. You say, "Why do I think it is in danger?"
And I say, look at the record. Seven years of the Truman-Acheson Administration, and what's

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caused that war and which resulted in those losses should be kicked out of the State Department just
as fast as we get them out of there.

And let me say that I know Mr. Stevenson won't do that because he defends the Truman policy, and I
know that Dwight Eisenhower will do that, and that he will give America the leadership that it needs.
Take the problem of corruption. You've read about the mess in Washington. Mr. Stevenson can't
clean it up because he was picked by the man, Truman, under whose Administration the mess was
made. You wouldn't trust the man who made the mess to clean it up. That's Truman. And by the same
token you can't trust the man who was picked by the man that made the mess to clean it up -- and
that's Stevenson.

And so I say, Eisenhower, who owed nothing to Truman, nothing to the big city bosses -- he is the
man that can clean up the mess in Washington. Take Communism. I say that as far as that subject is
concerned the danger is great to America. In the Hiss case they got the secrets which enabled them to
break the American secret State Department code. They got secrets in the atomic bomb case which
enabled them to get the secret of the atomic bomb five years before they would have gotten it by their
own devices. And I say that any man who called the Alger Hiss case a red herring isn't fit to be
President of the United States. I say that a man who, like Mr. Stevenson, has pooh-poohed and
ridiculed the Communist threat in the United States -- he said that they are phantoms among
ourselves. He has accused us that have attempted to expose the Communists, of looking for

Communists in the Bureau of Fisheries and Wildlife. I say that a man who says that isn't qualified to
be President of the United States. And I say that the only man who can lead us in this fight to rid the
Government of both those who are Communists and those who have corrupted this Government is
Eisenhower, because Eisenhower, you can be sure, recognizes the problem, and he knows how to
deal with it.

Now let me that finally, this evening, I want to read to you, just briefly, excerpts from a letter which I
received, a letter which after all this is over no one can take away from us. It reads as follows:

Dear Senator Nixon,

Since I am only 19 years of age, I can't vote in this presidential election, but believe me if I could you
and General Eisenhower would certainly get my vote. My husband is in the Fleet Marines in Korea.
He' a corpsman on the front lines and we have a two month old son he's never seen. And I feel
confident that with great Americans like you and General Eisenhower in the White House, lonely
Americans like myself will be united with their loved ones now in Korea. I only pray to God that you
won't be too late. Enclosed is a small check to help you in your campaign. Living on $85 a month, it
is all I can afford at present, but let me know what else I can do.

Folks, it's a check for 10 dollars, and it's one that I will never cash. And just let me say this: We hear
a lot about prosperity these days, but I say why can't we have prosperity built on peace, rather than
prosperity built on war? Why can't we have prosperity and an honest Government in Washington,
D.C., at the same time? Believe me, we can. And Eisenhower is the man that can lead this crusade to
bring us that kind of prosperity.

And now, finally, I know that you wonder whether or not I am going to stay on the Republican ticket
or resign. Let me say this: I don't believe that I ought to quit, because I am not a quitter. And,

incidentally, Pat's not a quitter. After all, her name was Patricia Ryan and she was born on St.

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But just let me say this last word: Regardless of what happens, I'm going to continue this fight. I'm
going to campaign up and down in America until we drive the crooks and the Communists and those
that defend them out of Washington. And remember folks, Eisenhower is a great man, believe me.
He's a great man. And a vote for Eisenhower is a vote for what's good for America.

<b>Malcolm X: "The Ballot or the Bullet" </b>

<i>(delivered 12 April, 1964 in Detroit, MI)</i>

Mr. Moderator, Reverend Cleage, Brother Lomax, brothers and sisters, and friends -- and I see some
enemies. In fact, I think we’d be fooling ourselves if we had an audience this large and didn’t realize
that there were some enemies present.

This afternoon we want to talk about "The ballot or the bullet." The ballot or the bullet explains itself.
But before we get into it, since this is the year of the ballot or the bullet, I would like to clarify some
things that refer to me personally -- concerning my own personal position.

I'm still a Muslim. That is, my religion is still Islam. My religion is still Islam. I still credit Mr.
Mohammed for what I know and what I am. He's the one who opened my eyes. At present, I'm the
Minister of the newly founded Muslim Mosque, Incorporated, which has its offices in the Teresa
Hotel, right in the heart of Harlem -- that’s the black belt in New York city. And when we realize that
Adam Clayton Powell is a Christian minister, he’s the -- he heads Abyssinian Baptist Church, but at
the same time, he’s more famous for his political struggling.

And Dr. King is a Christian Minister, in Atlanta -- from Atlanta Georgia -- or in Atlanta, Georgia, but
he’s become more famous for being involved in the civil rights struggle. There’s another in New
York, Reverend Galamison -- I don’t know if you’ve heard of him out here -- he’s a Christian
Minister from Brooklyn, but has become famous for his fight against a segregated school system in
Brooklyn. Reverend Clee, right here, is a Christian Minister, here in Detroit. He’s the head of the
“Freedom Now Party.” All of these are Christian Ministers -- All of these are Christian Ministers, but

they don’t come to us as Christian Ministers. They come to us as fighters in some other category.
I’m a Muslim minister. The same as they are Christian Ministers, I’m a Muslim minister. And I don’t
believe in fighting today in any one front, but on all fronts. In fact, I’m a "Black Nationalist Freedom
Fighter." Islam is my religion, but I believe my religion is my personal business. It governs my
personal life, my personal morals. And my religious philosophy is personal between me and the God
in whom I believe; just as the religious philosophy of these others is between them and the God in
whom they believe.

And this is best this way. Were we to come out here discussing religion, we’d have too many

differences from the outstart and we could never get together. So today, though Islam is my religious
philosophy, my political, economic, and social philosophy is Black Nationalism. You and I -- As I
say, if we bring up religion we’ll have differences; we’ll have arguments; and we’ll never be able to
get together. But if we keep our religion at home, keep our religion in the closet, keep our religion
between ourselves and our God, but when we come out here, we have a fight that’s common to all of
us against a [sic] enemy who is common to all of us.

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me to support him so he can use him to lead us astray -- those days are long gone too.

The political philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that if you and I are going to live in a
Black community -- and that’s where we’re going to live, 'cause as soon as you move into one of
their -- soon as you move out of the Black community into their community, it’s mixed for a period
of time, but they’re gone and you’re right there all by yourself again. We must -- We must understand
the politics of our community and we must know what politics is supposed to produce. We must
know what part politics play in our lives. And until we become politically mature we will always be
mislead, lead astray, or deceived or maneuvered into supporting someone politically who doesn’t
have the good of our community at heart. So the political philosophy of Black Nationalism only
means that we will have to carry on a program, a political program, of re-education to open our
people's eyes, make us become more politically conscious, politically mature, and then we will --
whenever we get ready to cast our ballot, that ballot will be -- will be cast for a man of the

community who has the good of the community of heart.

The economic philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that we should own and operate and
control the economy of our community. You would never -- You can’t open up a black store in a
white community. White men won’t even patronize you. And he’s not wrong. He’s got sense enough
to look out for himself. You the one who don’t have sense enough to look out for yourself. The white
man -- The white man is too intelligent to let someone else come and gain control of the economy of
his community. But you will let anybody come in and take control of the economy of your

community, control the housing, control the education, control the jobs, control the businesses, under
the pretext that you want to integrate. No, you're ought of your mind.

The political -- The economic philosophy of Black Nationalism only means that we have to become
involved in a program of reeducation to educate our people into the importance of knowing that when
you spend your dollar out of the community in which you live, the community in which you spend
your money becomes richer and richer; the community out which you take your money becomes
poorer and poorer. And because these negroes, who have been mislead, misguided, are breaking their
necks to take their money and spend it with The Man, The Man is becoming richer and richer, and
you’re becoming poorer and poorer. And then what happens? The community in which you live
becomes a slum. It becomes a ghetto. The conditions become run down. And then you have the
audacity to -- to complain about poor housing in a run-down community. Why you run it down
yourself when you take your dollar out.

And you and I are in a double-track, because not only do we lose by taking our money someplace
else and spending it, when we try and spend it in our own community we’re trapped because we
haven’t had sense enough to set up stores and control the businesses of our community. The man
who’s controlling the stores in our community is a man who doesn’t look like we do. He’s a man who
doesn’t even live in the community. So you and I, even when we try and spend our money in the
block where we live or the area where we live, we’re spending it with a man who, when the sun goes
down, takes that basket full of money in another part of the town.

So we’re trapped, trapped, double-trapped, triple-trapped. Anywhere we go we find that we’re

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So our people not only have to be reeducated to the importance of supporting black business, but the
black man himself has to be made aware of the importance of going into business. And once you and
I go into business, we own and operate at least the businesses in our community. What we will be
doing is developing a situation wherein we will actually be able to create employment for the people
in the community. And once you can create some -- some employment in the community where you
live it will eliminate the necessity of you and me having to act ignorantly and disgracefully,

boycotting and picketing some practice some place else trying to beg him for a job.

Anytime you have to rely upon your enemy for a job, you’re in bad shape. When you have -- He is
your enemy. Let me tell you, you wouldn’t be in this country if some enemy hadn’t kidnapped you
and brought you here. On the other hand, some of you think you came here on the Mayflower.

So as you can see brothers and sisters, today -- this afternoon, it's not our intention to discuss religion.
We’re going to forget religion. If we bring up religion, we’ll be in an argument, and the best way to
keep away from arguments and differences, as I said earlier, put your religion at home -- in the closet.
Keep it between you and your God. Because if it hasn’t done anything more for you than it has, you
need to forget it anyway.

Whether you are -- Whether you are a Christian, or a Muslim, or a Nationalist, we all have the same
problem. They don’t hang you because you’re a Baptist; they hang you 'cause you’re black. They
don’t attack me because I’m a Muslim; they attack me 'cause I’m black. They attack all of us for the
same reason; all of us catch hell from the same enemy. We’re all in the same bag, in the same boat.
We suffer political oppression, economic exploitation, and social degradation -- all of them from the
same enemy. The government has failed us; you can’t deny that. Anytime you live in the twentieth
century, 1964, and you walkin' around here singing “We Shall Overcome,” the government has failed
us.

This is part of what’s wrong with you -- you do too much singing. Today it’s time to stop singing and
start swinging. You can’t sing up on freedom, but you can swing up on some freedom. Cassius Clay
can sing, but singing didn’t help him to become the heavyweight champion of the world; swinging
helped him become the heavyweight champion. This government has failed us; the government itself
has failed us, and the white liberals who have been posing as our friends have failed us.

And once we see that all these other sources to which we’ve turned have failed, we stop turning to
them and turn to ourselves. We need a self help program, a it -- a-it-yourself philosophy, a
do-it-right-now philosophy, a it’s-already-too-late philosophy. This is what you and I need to get with,
and the only time -- the only way we're going to solve our problem is with a self-help program.
Before we can get a self-help program started we have to have a self-help philosophy.

Black Nationalism is a self-help philosophy. What's so good about it? You can stay right in the
church where you are and still take Black Nationalism as your philosophy. You can stay in any kind
of civic organization that you belong to and still take black nationalism as your philosophy. You can
be an atheist and still take black nationalism as your philosophy. This is a philosophy that eliminates
the necessity for division and argument. 'Cause if you're black you should be thinking black, and if
you are black and you not thinking black at this late date, well I’m sorry for you.

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it’s time today for us to start doing some standing, and some fighting to back that up.

When we look like -- at other parts of this earth upon which we live, we find that black, brown, red,
and yellow people in Africa and Asia are getting their independence. They’re not getting it by singing
“We Shall Overcome.” No, they’re getting it through nationalism. It is nationalism that brought about
the independence of the people in Asia. Every nation in Asia gained its independence through the
philosophy of nationalism. Every nation on the African continent that has gotten its independence
brought it about through the philosophy of nationalism. And it will take black nationalism -- that to
bring about the freedom of 22 million Afro-Americans here in this country where we have suffered
colonialism for the past 400 years.

America is just as much a colonial power as England ever was. America is just as much a colonial
power as France ever was. In fact, America is more so a colonial power than they because she’s a
hypocritical colonial power behind it.

What is 20th -- What do you call second class citizenship? Why, that’s colonization. Second class
citizenship is nothing but 20th century slavery. How you gonna tell me you’re a second class citizen?
They don’t have second class citizenship in any other government on this earth. They just have slaves
and people who are free. Well this country is a hypocrite. They try and make you think they set you
free by calling you a second class citizen. No, you’re nothing but a 20th century slave.

Just as it took nationalism to move -- to remove colonialism from Asia and Africa, it’ll take black
nationalism today to remove colonialism from the backs and the minds of 22 million Afro-Americans
here in this country.

And 1964 looks like it might be the year of the ballot or the bullet.

Why does it look like it might be the year of the ballot or the bullet? Because Negroes have listened
to the trickery, and the lies, and the false promises of the white man now for too long. And they’re
fed up. They’ve become disenchanted. They’ve become disillusioned. They’ve become dissatisfied,
and all of this has built up frustrations in the black community that makes the black community
throughout America today more explosive than all of the atomic bombs the Russians can ever invent.
Whenever you got a racial powder keg sitting in your lap, you’re in more trouble than if you had an
atomic powder keg sitting in your lap. When a racial powder keg goes off, it doesn’t care who it
knocks out the way. Understand this, it’s dangerous.

And in 1964 this seems to be the year, because what can the white man use now to fool us after he
put down that march on Washington? And you see all through that now. He tricked you, had you
marching down to Washington. Yes, had you marching back and forth between the feet of a dead
man named Lincoln and another dead man named George Washington singing “We Shall

Overcome.” He made a chump out of you. He made a fool out of you. He made you think you were
going somewhere and you end up going nowhere but between Lincoln and Washington.

So today, our people are disillusioned. They’ve become disenchanted. They’ve become dissatisfied,
and in their frustrations they want action.

And in 1964 you’ll see this young black man, this new generation asking for the ballot or the bullet.
That old Uncle Tom action is outdated. The young generation don’t want to hear anything about the
odds are against us. What do we care about odds?

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Patrick Henry was a patriot, and George Washington, wasn’t nothing non-violent about old Pat or
George Washington.

Liberty or death was what brought about the freedom of whites in this country from the English.
They didn’t care about the odds. Why they faced the wrath of the entire British Empire. And in those
days they used to say that the British Empire was so vast and so powerful when the sun -- the sun
would never set on it. This is how big it was, yet these 13 little scrawny states, tired of taxation
without representation, tired of being exploited and oppressed and degraded, told that big British
Empire “liberty or death.”

And here you have 22 million Afro-American black people today catching more hell than Patrick
Henry ever saw. And I’m -- I’m here to tell you in case you don’t know it -- that you got a new -- you
got a new generation of black people in this country who don’t care anything whatsoever about odds.
They don’t want to hear you old Uncle Tom handkerchief heads talking about the odds. No. This is a
new generation. If they’re gonna draft these young black men and send them over to Korea or South
Vietnam to face 800 million Chinese -- if you’re not afraid of those odds, you shouldn’t be afraid of
these odds.

Why is -- Why does this loom to be such an explosive political year? Because this is the year of

politics. This is the year when all of the white politicians are going to come into the Negro

community. You never see them until election time. You can’t find them until election time. They’re
going to come in with false promises, and as they make these false promises they're gonna feed our
frustrations and this will only serve to make matters worse.

I’m no politician. I’m not even a student of politics. I’m not a Republican, nor a Democrat, nor an
American, and got sense enough to know it. I’m one of the 22 million black victims of the

Democrats, one of the 22 million black victims of the Republicans, and one of the 22 million black
victims of Americanism. And when I speak, I don’t speak as a Democrat, or a Republican, *nor an
American.* I speak as a victim of America’s so-called democracy. You and I have never seen

democracy; all we’ve seen is hypocrisy. When we open our eyes today and look around America, we
see America not through the eyes of someone who have -- who has enjoyed the fruits of

Americanism, we see America through the eyes of someone who has been the victim of

Americanism. We don’t see any American dream; we’ve experienced only the American nightmare.
We haven’t benefited from America’s democracy; we’ve only suffered from America’s hypocrisy.
And the generation that’s coming up now can see it and are not afraid to say it.

If you -- If you go to jail, so what? If you black, you were born in jail. If you black, you were born in
jail, in the North as well as the South. Stop talking about the South. Long as you south of the -- Long
as you south of the Canadian border, you’re south. Don’t call Governor Wallace a Dixie governor;
Romney is a Dixie governor.

Twenty-two million black victims of Americanism are waking up and they’re gaining a new political
consciousness, becoming politically mature. And as they become -- develop this political maturity,
they’re able to see the recent trends in these political elections. They see that the whites are so evenly

divided that every time they vote the race is so close they have to go back and count the votes all over
again. And that...which means that any block, any minority that has a block of votes that stick

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Washington D.C. only because of the Negro vote. They’ve been down there four years, and they're --
all other legislation they wanted to bring up they brought it up and gotten it out of the way, and now
they bring up you. And now, they bring up you. You put them first, and they put you last, 'cause
you’re a chump, a political chump.

In Washington D.C., in the House of Representatives, there are 257 who are Democrats; only 177 are
Republican. In the Senate there are 67 Democrats; only 33 are Republicans. The Party that you
backed controls two-thirds of the House of Representatives and the Senate, and still they can’t keep
their promise to you, 'cause you’re a chump. Anytime you throw your weight behind a political party
that controls two-thirds of the government, and that Party can’t keep the promise that it made to you
during election time, and you’re dumb enough to walk around continuing to identify yourself with
that Party, you’re not only a chump, but you’re a traitor to your race.

And what kind of alibi do they come up with? They try and pass the buck to the Dixiecrats. Now
back during the days when you were blind, deaf, and dumb, ignorant, politically immature, naturally
you went along with that. But today as your eyes come open, and you develop political maturity,
you’re able to see and think for yourself, and you can see that a Dixiecrat is nothing but a Democrat
in disguise.

You look at the structure of the government that controls this country; it’s controlled by 16 senatorial
committees and 20 congressional committees. Of the 16 senatorial committees that run the

government, 10 of them are in the hands of Southern segregationists. Of the 20 congressional

committees that run the government, 12 of them in the -- are in the hands of Southern segregationists.
And they're going to tell you and me that the South lost the war.

You, today, have -- are in the hands of a government of segregationists, racists, white supremacists
who belong to the Democratic party, but disguise themselves as Dixiecrats. A Dixiecrat is nothing but
a Democrat. Whoever runs the Democrats is also the father of the Dixiecrats, and the father of all of
them is sitting in the White House. I say and I say it again: You got a President who’s nothing but a
Southern segregationist from the state of Texas. They’ll lynch you in Texas as quick as they’ll lynch
you in Mississippi. Only in -- in Texas they lynch you with a Texas accent; in Mississippi they lynch
you with a Mississippi accent.

And the first thing the cracker does when he comes in power, he takes all the Negro leaders and
invites them for coffee to show that he’s alright. And those Uncle Toms can’t pass up the coffee.
They come away from the coffee table telling you and me that this man is alright 'cause he’s from the
South, and since he’s from the South he can deal with the South. Look at the logic that they’re using.
What about Eastland? He’s from the South. Make him the President. He can -- If Johnson is a good
man 'cause he’s from Texas, and being from Texas will enable him to deal with the South, Eastland
can deal with the South better than Johnson. Oh, I say you been mislead. You been had. You been
took.

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the Dixiecrat, you’re destroying the power -- power of the Democratic Party. So how in the world can
the Democratic Party in the South actually side with you in sincerity, when all of its power is based in
the -- in the South?

These Northern Democrats are in cahoots with the Southern Democrats. They’re playing a giant con
game, a political con game. You know how it goes. One of them -- One of them comes to you and
makes believe he's for you, and he’s in cahoots with the other one that’s not for you. Why? Because
neither one of them is for you, but they got to make you go with one of them or the other. So this is a
con game. And this is what they’ve been doing with you and me all these years.

First thing Johnson got off the plane when he become President, he asked “Where’s Dicky?” You
know who “Dicky” is? Dicky is old Southern cracker Richard -- Richard Russell. Look here, yes.
Lyndon B. Johnson’s best friend is the one who is the head, who’s heading the forces that are

filibustering civil rights legislation. You tell me how in the hell is he going to be Johnson’s best
friend? How can Johnson be his friend and your friend too? No, that man is too tricky. Especially if
his friend is still old Dicky.

Whenever the Negroes keep the Democrats in power, they’re keeping the Dixiecrats in power. Is this
true? A vote for a Democrat is nothing but a vote for a Dixiecrat. I know you don’t like me saying
that, but I...I’m not the kind of person who come here to say what you like. I’m going to tell you the
truth whether you like it or not.

Up here, in the North you have the same thing. The Democratic Party don’t -- don't do it -- they don’t
do it that way. They got a thing that they call gerrymandering. They -- They maneuver you out of
power. Even though you can vote, they fix it so you’re voting for nobody; they got you going and
coming. In the South, they’re outright political wolves. In the North, they’re political foxes. A fox
and a wolf are both canine, both belong to the dog family. Now you take your choice. You going to
choose a Northern dog or a Southern dog? Because either dog you choose I guarantee you you’ll still
be in the dog house.

This is why I say it’s the ballot or the bullet. It’s liberty or it’s death. It’s freedom for everybody or
freedom for nobody. America today finds herself in a unique situation. Historically, revolutions are
bloody. Oh, yes, they are. They haven’t never had a blood-less revolution, or a non-violent

revolution. That don’t happen even in Hollywood. You don’t have a revolution in which you love
your enemy, and you don’t have a revolution in which you are begging the system of exploitation to
integrate you into it. Revolutions overturn systems. Revolutions destroy systems.

A revolution is bloody, but America is in a unique position. She’s the only country in history in a
position actually to become involved in a blood-less revolution. The -- The Russian revolution was
bloody; Chinese revolution was bloody; French revolution was bloody; Cuban revolution was
bloody; and there was nothing more bloody then the American Revolution. But today this country
can become involved in a revolution that won’t take bloodshed. All she’s got to do is give the black

man in this country everything that’s due him -- everything.

I hope that the white man can see this, 'cause if he don’t see it you’re finished. If you don’t see it
you’re going to be coming -- you’re going to become involved in some action in which you don’t
have a chance. And we don’t care anything about your atomic bomb; it's -- it’s useless because other
countries have atomic bombs. When two or three different countries have atomic bombs, nobody can
use them, so it means that the white man today is without a weapon. If you’re gonna -- If you want
some action, you gotta come on down to Earth. And there's more black people on Earth than there are
white people on Earth.

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action that’s going on on this earth right now that he’s involved in. Tell me where he’s winning.
Nowhere.

Why some rice farmers -- some rice farmers -- some rice eaters ran him out of Korea. Yes, they ran
him out of Korea. Rice eaters with nothing but gym shoes and a rifle and a bowl of rice took him and
his tanks and his napalm and all that other action he’s supposed to have and ran him across the Yalu.
Why? 'Cause the day that he can win on the ground has passed.

Up in French Indo-China those little peasants, rice growers, took on the might of the French army and
ran all the Frenchmen -- you remember Dien Bien Phu. No.

The same thing happened in Algeria, in Africa. They didn’t have anything but a rifle. The French had
all these highly mechanized instruments of warfare, but they put some guerilla action on, and a -- and
a -- and a white man can’t fight a guerilla warfare. Guerilla action takes heart, takes nerve, and he
doesn’t have that. He’s brave when he’s got tanks. He’s brave when he’s got planes. He’s brave when
he’s got bombs. He’s brave when he got a whole lot of company along with him, but you take that
little man from Africa and Asia, turn him loose in the woods with a blade, with a blade -- that’s all he
needs, all he needs is a blade –- and when the sun comes down -- goes downand it’s dark, it’s
even-steven.

So it’s the -- it's the ballot or the bullet. Today our people can see that we’re faced with a government
conspiracy. This government has failed us. The senators who are filibustering concerning your and
my rights, that's the government. Don’t say it’s Southern senators. This is the government; this is a
government filibuster. It’s not a segregationist filibuster. It’s a government filibuster. Any kind of
activity that takes place on the floor of the Congress or the Senate, that's the government. Any kind of
dilly-dallying, that’s the government. Any kind of pussy-footing, that’s the government. Any kind of
act that’s designed to delay or deprive you and me right now of getting full rights, that’s the

government that's responsible. And any time you find the government involved in a conspiracy to
violate the citizenship or the civil rights of a people, then you are wasting your time going to that
government expecting redress. Instead, you have to take that government to the World Court and
accuse it of genocide and all of the other crimes that it is guilty of today.

So those of us whose political, and economic, and social philosophy is Black Nationalism have
become involved in the civil rights struggle. We have injected ourselves into the civil rights struggle,
and we intend to expand it from the level of civil rights to the level of human rights. As long as you're
-- As long as you're fighting on the level of civil rights, you’re under Uncle Sam’s jurisdiction.
You’re going to his court expecting him to correct the problem. He created the problem. He’s the
criminal. You don’t take your case to the criminal; you take your criminal to court. When the
government of South Africa began to trample upon the human rights of the people of South Africa,
they were taken to the U.N. When the government of Portugal began to trample upon the -- the rights
of our brothers and sisters in Angola, it was taken before the U.N. Why even the white man took the
Hungarian question to the U.N. And just this week Chief Justice Goldberg was crying over 3 million
Jews in Russia about their human rights, charging Russia with violating the U.N. charter because of
its mistreatment of the human rights of Jews in Russia.

Now you tell me how can the plight of everybody on this earth reach the halls of the United Nations,
and you have 22 million Afro-Americans whose churches are being bombed, whose little girls are
being murdered, whose -- whose leaders are being shot down in broad daylight. Now you tell me why
the leaders of this struggle have never taken it before the United Nations.

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[Uncle Sam...] and still has the audacity or the nerve to stand up and represent himself as the leader
of the free world. Not only is he a crook, he’s a hypocrite. There he is standing up in front of other
people, Uncle Sam, with the blood of your and mine mothers and fathers on his hands, with the blood
dripping down his jaws like a bloody-jawed wolf, and still got the nerve to point his finger at other
countries. You can’t even get civil rights legislation. And this man has got the nerve to stand up and
talk about South Africa, or talk about Nazi Germany, or talk about [unclear]. Nah, no more days like
those.

So, I say in my conclusion the only way we're going to solve it -- we gotta unite in unity and
harmony, and Black Nationalism is the key. How we gonna overcome the tendency to be at each
other's throats that always exists in our neighborhoods? And the reason this tendency exists, the
strategy of the white man has always been divide and conquer. He keeps us divided in order to
conquer us. He tells you I’m for separation and you're for integration to keep us fighting with each
other. No, I’m not for separation and you’re not for integration. What you and I is for is freedom.
Only you think that integration will get you freedom, I think separation will get me freedom. We both
got the same objective. We just got different ways of getting at it.

So I...studied this man, Billy Graham, who preaches White Nationalism. That’s what he preaches. I
say that’s what he preaches. The whole church structure in this country is White Nationalism. You go
inside a white church -- that’s what they preaching: White Nationalism. They got Jesus white, Mary
white, God white, everybody white -- that’s White Nationalism. So what he does -- the way he -- the
way he -- the way he circumvents the -- the jealousy and envy that he ordinarily would incur among
the heads of the church, wherever he go into an area where the church already is you going into
trouble, 'cause they got that thing -- what you call it -- syndicated, they got a syndicate just like the
Racketeers have. I’m going to say what’s on my mind 'cause the churches are, the preachers already
proved to you that they got a syndicate.

And when you're out in the rackets, whenever you're getting in another man’s territory, you know,
they gang up on you. And that’s the same way with you -- you ran into the same thing. So how Billy

Graham gets around that, instead of going into somebody else’s territory, like he going to start up a
new church, he don't -- he doesn’t try to start a church. He just goes in preaching Christ. And he says
everybody who believe in Him, you go wherever -- you go wherever you find him. So this helps all
the churches and so since it helps all the churches they don’t fight him.

Well, we gonna do the same thing, only our gospel is Black Nationalism. His gospel is White
Nationalism; our gospel is Black Nationalism. And the gospel of Black Nationalism, as I told you,
means you should control your own -- the politics of your community, the economy of your
community, and all of the society in which you live should be under your control. And...once
you...feel that this philosophy will solve your problem, go join any church where that’s preached.
Don’t join a church where White Nationalism is preached. Now you can go to a negro church and be
exposed to White Nationalism, 'cause you are -- when you walk in a negro church and a white Mary
and some white angels -- that Negro church is preaching White Nationalism.

T2: 29:02

But when you go to a church and you see the pastor of that church with a philosophy and a program
that’s designed to bring black people together and elevate black people -- join that church. Join that
church. If you see where the NAACP is preaching and practicing that which is designed to make
Black Nationalism materialize -- join the NAACP. Join any kind of organization -- civic, religious,
fraternal, political, or otherwise that’s based on lifting the black man up and making him master of
his own community.

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not ready to pay that price don’t use the word freedom in your vocabulary.

One more thing: I was on a program in Illinois recently with Senator Paul Douglas, a so-called
liberal, so-called Democrat, so-called white man, at...which time he told me that our African brothers
were not interested in us in Africa. He said the Africans are not interested in the American Negro. I
knew he was lying, but during the next two or three weeks it’s my intention and plan to make a tour
of our African homeland. And I hope that when I come back, I’ll be able to come back and let you

know how our African brothers and sisters feel toward us. And I know before I go there that they
love us. We’re one; we’re the same; the same man who has colonized them all these years, colonized
you and me too all these years. And all we have to do now is wake up and work in unity and harmony
and the battle will be over.

I want to thank the Freedom Now Party and the [unclear]. I want to thank Milton and Richard Henley
for inviting me here this afternoon, and also Reverend Cleage. And I want them to know that

anything that I can ever do, at any time, to work with anybody in any kind of program that is

sincerely designed to eliminate the political, the economic, and the social evils that confront all of our
people, in Detroit and elsewhere, all they got to do is give me a telephone call and I’ll be on the next
jet right on into the city.

<b>Lyndon Baines Johnson: "We Shall Overcome" </b>

<i>(Joint Session of Congress Address on Voting Legislation - delivered 15 March 1965, Washington, </i>
<i>D.C.)</i>

Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the Congress:

I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy. I urge every member of both
parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in
that cause.

At times history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's
unending search for freedom. So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it was a century ago at
Appomattox. So it was last week in Selma, Alabama. There, long-suffering men and women

peacefully protested the denial of their rights as Americans. Many were brutally assaulted. One good

man, a man of God, was killed.

There is no cause for pride in what has happened in Selma. There is no cause for self-satisfaction in
the long denial of equal rights of millions of Americans. But there is cause for hope and for faith in
our democracy in what is happening here tonight. For the cries of pain and the hymns and protests of
oppressed people have summoned into convocation all the majesty of this great government -- the
government of the greatest nation on earth. Our mission is at once the oldest and the most basic of
this country: to right wrong, to do justice, to serve man.

In our time we have come to live with the moments of great crisis. Our lives have been marked with
debate about great issues -- issues of war and peace, issues of prosperity and depression. But rarely in
any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself. Rarely are we met with a challenge,
not to our growth or abundance, or our welfare or our security, but rather to the values, and the
purposes, and the meaning of our beloved nation.

The issue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an issue.

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There is no Negro problem. There is no Southern problem. There is no Northern problem. There is
only an American problem. And we are met here tonight as Americans -- not as Democrats or
Republicans. We are met here as Americans to solve that problem.

This was the first nation in the history of the world to be founded with a purpose. The great phrases
of that purpose still sound in every American heart, North and South: "All men are created equal,"
"government by consent of the governed," "give me liberty or give me death." Well, those are not just
clever words, or those are not just empty theories. In their name Americans have fought and died for
two centuries, and tonight around the world they stand there as guardians of our liberty, risking their
lives.

Those words are a promise to every citizen that he shall share in the dignity of man. This dignity
cannot be found in a man's possessions; it cannot be found in his power, or in his position. It really

rests on his right to be treated as a man equal in opportunity to all others. It says that he shall share in
freedom, he shall choose his leaders, educate his children, provide for his family according to his
ability and his merits as a human being. To apply any other test -- to deny a man his hopes because of
his color, or race, or his religion, or the place of his birth is not only to do injustice, it is to deny
America and to dishonor the dead who gave their lives for American freedom.

Our fathers believed that if this noble view of the rights of man was to flourish, it must be rooted in
democracy. The most basic right of all was the right to choose your own leaders. The history of this
country, in large measure, is the history of the expansion of that right to all of our people. Many of
the issues of civil rights are very complex and most difficult. But about this there can and should be
no argument.

Every American citizen must have an equal right to vote.

There is no reason which can excuse the denial of that right. There is no duty which weighs more
heavily on us than the duty we have to ensure that right.

Yet the harsh fact is that in many places in this country men and women are kept from voting simply
because they are Negroes. Every device of which human ingenuity is capable has been used to deny
this right. The Negro citizen may go to register only to be told that the day is wrong, or the hour is
late, or the official in charge is absent. And if he persists, and if he manages to present himself to the
registrar, he may be disqualified because he did not spell out his middle name or because he

abbreviated a word on the application. And if he manages to fill out an application, he is given a test.
The registrar is the sole judge of whether he passes this test. He may be asked to recite the entire
Constitution, or explain the most complex provisions of State law. And even a college degree cannot
be used to prove that he can read and write.

For the fact is that the only way to pass these barriers is to show a white skin. Experience has clearly
shown that the existing process of law cannot overcome systematic and ingenious discrimination. No

law that we now have on the books -- and I have helped to put three of them there -- can ensure the
right to vote when local officials are determined to deny it. In such a case our duty must be clear to
all of us. The Constitution says that no person shall be kept from voting because of his race or his
color. We have all sworn an oath before God to support and to defend that Constitution. We must
now act in obedience to that oath.

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them my views, and to visit with my former colleagues. I've had prepared a more comprehensive
analysis of the legislation which I had intended to transmit to the clerk tomorrow, but which I will
submit to the clerks tonight. But I want to really discuss with you now, briefly, the main proposals of
this legislation.

This bill will strike down restrictions to voting in all elections -- Federal, State, and local -- which
have been used to deny Negroes the right to vote. This bill will establish a simple, uniform standard
which cannot be used, however ingenious the effort, to flout our Constitution. It will provide for
citizens to be registered by officials of the United States Government, if the State officials refuse to
register them. It will eliminate tedious, unnecessary lawsuits which delay the right to vote. Finally,
this legislation will ensure that properly registered individuals are not prohibited from voting.

I will welcome the suggestions from all of the Members of Congress -- I have no doubt that I will get
some -- on ways and means to strengthen this law and to make it effective. But experience has plainly
shown that this is the only path to carry out the command of the Constitution.

To those who seek to avoid action by their National Government in their own communities, who
want to and who seek to maintain purely local control over elections, the answer is simple: open your
polling places to all your people.

Allow men and women to register and vote whatever the color of their skin.
Extend the rights of citizenship to every citizen of this land.

There is no constitutional issue here. The command of the Constitution is plain. There is no moral

issue. It is wrong -- deadly wrong -- to deny any of your fellow Americans the right to vote in this
country. There is no issue of States' rights or national rights. There is only the struggle for human
rights. I have not the slightest doubt what will be your answer.

But the last time a President sent a civil rights bill to the Congress, it contained a provision to protect
voting rights in Federal elections. That civil rights bill was passed after eight long months of debate.
And when that bill came to my desk from the Congress for my signature, the heart of the voting
provision had been eliminated. This time, on this issue, there must be no delay, or no hesitation, or no
compromise with our purpose.

We cannot, we must not, refuse to protect the right of every American to vote in every election that
he may desire to participate in. And we ought not, and we cannot, and we must not wait another eight
months before we get a bill. We have already waited a hundred years and more, and the time for
waiting is gone.

So I ask you to join me in working long hours -- nights and weekends, if necessary -- to pass this bill.
And I don't make that request lightly. For from the window where I sit with the problems of our
country, I recognize that from outside this chamber is the outraged conscience of a nation, the grave
concern of many nations, and the harsh judgment of history on our acts.

But even if we pass this bill, the battle will not be over. What happened in Selma is part of a far
larger movement which reaches into every section and State of America. It is the effort of American
Negroes to secure for themselves the full blessings of American life. Their cause must be our cause
too. Because it's not just Negroes, but really it's all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of
bigotry and injustice.

And we shall overcome.

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how difficult it is to reshape the attitudes and the structure of our society. But a century has passed,
more than a hundred years since the Negro was freed. And he is not fully free tonight.

It was more than a hundred years ago that Abraham Lincoln, a great President of another party,
signed the Emancipation Proclamation; but emancipation is a proclamation, and not a fact. A century
has passed, more than a hundred years, since equality was promised. And yet the Negro is not equal.
A century has passed since the day of promise. And the promise is un-kept.

The time of justice has now come. I tell you that I believe sincerely that no force can hold it back. It
is right in the eyes of man and God that it should come. And when it does, I think that day will
brighten the lives of every American. For Negroes are not the only victims. How many white children
have gone uneducated? How many white families have lived in stark poverty? How many white lives
have been scarred by fear, because we've wasted our energy and our substance to maintain the
barriers of hatred and terror?

And so I say to all of you here, and to all in the nation tonight, that those who appeal to you to hold
on to the past do so at the cost of denying you your future.

This great, rich, restless country can offer opportunity and education and hope to all, all black and
white, all North and South, sharecropper and city dweller. These are the enemies: poverty, ignorance,
disease. They're our enemies, not our fellow man, not our neighbor. And these enemies too --

poverty, disease, and ignorance: we shall overcome.

Now let none of us in any section look with prideful righteousness on the troubles in another section,
or the problems of our neighbors. There's really no part of America where the promise of equality has
been fully kept. In Buffalo as well as in Birmingham, in Philadelphia as well as Selma, Americans
are struggling for the fruits of freedom. This is one nation. What happens in Selma or in Cincinnati is
a matter of legitimate concern to every American. But let each of us look within our own hearts and
our own communities, and let each of us put our shoulder to the wheel to root out injustice wherever
it exists.

As we meet here in this peaceful, historic chamber tonight, men from the South, some of whom were
at Iwo Jima, men from the North who have carried Old Glory to far corners of the world and brought
it back without a stain on it, men from the East and from the West, are all fighting together without
regard to religion, or color, or region, in Vietnam. Men from every region fought for us across the
world twenty years ago.

And now in these common dangers and these common sacrifices, the South made its contribution of
honor and gallantry no less than any other region in the Great Republic -- and in some instances, a
great many of them, more.

And I have not the slightest doubt that good men from everywhere in this country, from the Great
Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, from the Golden Gate to the harbors along the Atlantic, will rally now
together in this cause to vindicate the freedom of all Americans.

For all of us owe this duty; and I believe that all of us will respond to it. Your President makes that
request of every American.

The real hero of this struggle is the American Negro. His actions and protests, his courage to risk
safety and even to risk his life, have awakened the conscience of this nation. His demonstrations have
been designed to call attention to injustice, designed to provoke change, designed to stir reform. He
has called upon us to make good the promise of America. And who among us can say that we would
have made the same progress were it not for his persistent bravery, and his faith in American

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For at the real heart of battle for equality is a deep seated belief in the democratic process. Equality
depends not on the force of arms or tear gas but depends upon the force of moral right; not on
recourse to violence but on respect for law and order.

And there have been many pressures upon your President and there will be others as the days come
and go. But I pledge you tonight that we intend to fight this battle where it should be fought -- in the
courts, and in the Congress, and in the hearts of men.

We must preserve the right of free speech and the right of free assembly. But the right of free speech
does not carry with it, as has been said, the right to holler fire in a crowded theater. We must preserve
the right to free assembly. But free assembly does not carry with it the right to block public

thoroughfares to traffic.

We do have a right to protest, and a right to march under conditions that do not infringe the
constitutional rights of our neighbors. And I intend to protect all those rights as long as I am
permitted to serve in this office.

We will guard against violence, knowing it strikes from our hands the very weapons which we seek:
progress, obedience to law, and belief in American values.

In Selma, as elsewhere, we seek and pray for peace. We seek order. We seek unity. But we will not
accept the peace of stifled rights, or the order imposed by fear, or the unity that stifles protest. For
peace cannot be purchased at the cost of liberty.

In Selma tonight -- and we had a good day there -- as in every city, we are working for a just and
peaceful settlement And we must all remember that after this speech I am making tonight, after the
police and the FBI and the Marshals have all gone, and after you have promptly passed this bill, the
people of Selma and the other cities of the Nation must still live and work together. And when the
attention of the nation has gone elsewhere, they must try to heal the wounds and to build a new
community.

This cannot be easily done on a battleground of violence, as the history of the South itself shows. It is
in recognition of this that men of both races have shown such an outstandingly impressive

responsibility in recent days -- last Tuesday, again today.

The bill that I am presenting to you will be known as a civil rights bill. But, in a larger sense, most of
the program I am recommending is a civil rights program. Its object is to open the city of hope to all
people of all races.

Because all Americans just must have the right to vote. And we are going to give them that right. All
Americans must have the privileges of citizenship -- regardless of race. And they are going to have
those privileges of citizenship -- regardless of race.

But I would like to caution you and remind you that to exercise these privileges takes much more
than just legal right. It requires a trained mind and a healthy body. It requires a decent home, and the
chance to find a job, and the opportunity to escape from the clutches of poverty.

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Few of them could speak English, and I couldn't speak much Spanish. My students were poor and
they often came to class without breakfast, hungry. And they knew, even in their youth, the pain of
prejudice. They never seemed to know why people disliked them. But they knew it was so, because I
saw it in their eyes. I often walked home late in the afternoon, after the classes were finished, wishing
there was more that I could do. But all I knew was to teach them the little that I knew, hoping that it
might help them against the hardships that lay ahead.

And somehow you never forget what poverty and hatred can do when you see its scars on the hopeful
face of a young child. I never thought then, in 1928, that I would be standing here in 1965. It never
even occurred to me in my fondest dreams that I might have the chance to help the sons and
daughters of those students and to help people like them all over this country.

But now I do have that chance -- and I'll let you in on a secret -- I mean to use it.
And I hope that you will use it with me.

This is the richest and the most powerful country which ever occupied this globe. The might of past
empires is little compared to ours. But I do not want to be the President who built empires, or sought
grandeur, or extended dominion.

I want to be the President who educated young children to the wonders of their world.

I want to be the President who helped to feed the hungry and to prepare them to be tax-payers instead
of tax-eaters.

I want to be the President who helped the poor to find their own way and who protected the right of
every citizen to vote in every election.

I want to be the President who helped to end hatred among his fellow men, and who promoted love
among the people of all races and all regions and all parties.

I want to be the President who helped to end war among the brothers of this earth.

And so, at the request of your beloved Speaker, and the Senator from Montana, the majority leader,
the Senator from Illinois, the minority leader, Mr. McCulloch, and other Members of both parties, I
came here tonight -- not as President Roosevelt came down one time, in person, to veto a bonus bill,
not as President Truman came down one time to urge the passage of a railroad bill -- but I came down
here to ask you to share this task with me, and to share it with the people that we both work for. I
want this to be the Congress, Republicans and Democrats alike, which did all these things for all
these people.

Beyond this great chamber, out yonder in fifty States, are the people that we serve. Who can tell what
deep and unspoken hopes are in their hearts tonight as they sit there and listen. We all can guess,
from our own lives, how difficult they often find their own pursuit of happiness, how many problems
each little family has. They look most of all to themselves for their futures. But I think that they also
look to each of us.

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<b>John F. Kennedy: Inaugural Address </b>
(delivered January 20, 1961)

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon,
President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:

We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well
as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty
God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of
human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our
forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from
the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this
time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of

Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of
our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to
which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and
around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden,
meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of
liberty.

This much we pledge -- and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful
friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we
can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of
colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We
shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them
strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly
sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass
misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required --
not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.
If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into
good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the
chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let
all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in
the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of
its own house.

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weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a
request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction
unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we
be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course --
both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of

the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of

mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and
sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to
negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and
control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of
all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the
stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and

commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy
burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."¹

And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in
creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong
are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one
thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.
But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course.

Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony
to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the
globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call
to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in
and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"² a struggle against the common enemies of
man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that
can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

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freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do
not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The
energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who
serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for
your country.

My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do
for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high
standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure
reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His
blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

<b>ohn F. Kennedy: Address to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association </b>
(delivered 12 September 1960 at the Rice Hotel in Houston, TX)

Reverend Meza, Reverend Reck, I'm grateful for your generous invitation to state my views.
While the so-called religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here tonight, I want to
emphasize from the outset that I believe that we have far more critical issues in the 1960 campaign;
the spread of Communist influence, until it now festers only 90 miles from the coast of Florida -- the
humiliating treatment of our President and Vice President by those who no longer respect our power
-- the hungry children I saw in West Virginia, the old people who cannot pay their doctors bills, the
families forced to give up their farms -- an America with too many slums, with too few schools, and
too late to the moon and outer space. These are the real issues which should decide this campaign.
And they are not religious issues -- for war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious
barrier.

But because I am a Catholic, and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the real issues in this
campaign have been obscured -- perhaps deliberately, in some quarters less responsible than this. So
it is apparently necessary for me to state once again -- not what kind of church I believe in, for that
should be important only to me -- but what kind of America I believe in.

I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute; where no Catholic
prelate would tell the President -- should he be Catholic -- how to act, and no Protestant minister
would tell his parishioners for whom to vote; where no church or church school is granted any public
funds or political preference, and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion
differs from the President who might appoint him, or the people who might elect him.

I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish; where no public
official either requests or accept instructions on public policy from the Pope, the National Council of
Churches or any other ecclesiastical source; where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly
or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials, and where religious liberty is
so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all.

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harmonious society is ripped apart at a time of great national peril.

Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday end, where all men and all
churches are treated as equals, where every man has the same right to attend or not to attend the
church of his choice, where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any
kind, and where Catholics, Protestants, and Jews, at both the lay and the pastoral levels, will refrain
from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and
promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood.

That is the kind of America in which I believe. And it represents the kind of Presidency in which I
believe, a great office that must be neither humbled by making it the instrument of any religious
group nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding it -- its occupancy from the members of any one
religious group. I believe in a President whose views on religion are his own private affair, neither
imposed upon him by the nation, nor imposed by the nation upon him¹ as a condition to holding that
office.

I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first amendment's guarantees of
religious liberty; nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do so. And neither do I
look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the Constitution by requiring a
religious test, even by indirection. For if they disagree with that safeguard, they should be openly
working to repeal it.

I want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all and obligated to none, who can
attend any ceremony, service, or dinner his office may appropriately require of him to fulfill; and
whose fulfillment of his Presidential office is not limited or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual,
or obligation.

This is the kind of America I believe in -- and this is the kind of America I fought for in the South
Pacific, and the kind my brother died for in Europe. No one suggested then that we might have a
divided loyalty, that we did not believe in liberty, or that we belonged to a disloyal group that
threatened -- I quote -- "the freedoms for which our forefathers died."

And in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers did die when they fled here to escape
religious test oaths that denied office to members of less favored churches -- when they fought for the
Constitution, the Bill of Rights, the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom -- and when they fought at
the shrine I visited today, the Alamo. For side by side with Bowie and Crockett died Fuentes, and
McCafferty, and Bailey, and Badillo, and Carey -- but no one knows whether they were Catholics or
not. For there was no religious test there.

I ask you tonight to follow in that tradition -- to judge me on the basis of 14 years in the Congress, on
my declared stands against an Ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial
schools, and against any boycott of the public schools -- which I attended myself. And instead of
doing this, do not judge me on the basis of these pamphlets and publications we all have seen that
carefully select quotations out of context from the statements of Catholic church leaders, usually in
other countries, frequently in other centuries, and rarely relevant to any situation here. And always
omitting, of course, the statement of the American Bishops in 1948 which strongly endorsed
Church-State separation, and which more nearly reflects the views of almost every American Catholic.
I do not consider these other quotations binding upon my public acts. Why should you?

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and those which deny it to Catholics. And rather than cite the misdeeds of those who differ, I would
also cite the record of the Catholic Church in such nations as France and Ireland, and the

independence of such statesmen as De Gaulle and Adenauer.
But let me stress again that these are my views.

For contrary to common newspaper usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for President.
I am the Democratic Party's candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic.

I do not speak for my church on public matters; and the church does not speak for me. Whatever
issue may come before me as President, if I should be elected, on birth control, divorce, censorship,
gambling or any other subject, I will make my decision in accordance with these views -- in

accordance with what my conscience tells me to be in the national interest, and without regard to
outside religious pressure or dictates. And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide
otherwise.

But if the time should ever come -- and I do not concede any conflict to be remotely possible -- when
my office would require me to either violate my conscience or violate the national interest, then I
would resign the office; and I hope any conscientious public servant would do likewise.

But I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic or Protestant faith; nor
do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election.

If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I'd tried my
best and was fairly judged.

But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being
President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole nation that will be the loser, in the eyes
of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of history, and in the eyes of our own
people.

But if, on the other hand, I should win this election, then I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit
to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency -- practically identical, I might add, with the oath I have taken
for 14 years in the Congress. For without reservation, I can, "solemnly swear that I will faithfully
execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve,
protect, and defend the Constitution -- so help me God.

<b>Franklin Delano Roosevelt: Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation </b>
(delivered on December 8, 1941)

Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the United States of America
was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in
conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the
Pacific.

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to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed
attack.

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was
deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese
government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions
of hope for continued peace.

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and
military forces. I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost. In addition,

American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.
Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.
Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.
Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.

And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.

Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts

of yesterday and today speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed
their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.

As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our
defense. But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.
No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in
their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only
defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never
again endanger us.

Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in
grave danger.

With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain
the inevitable triumph -- so help us God.

I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday,
December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.
<b>Franklin Delano Roosevelt: First Inaugural Address </b>

President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:

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that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the
present situation of our people impels.

This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we
shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has
endured, will revive and will prosper.

So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself --
nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into
advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with
that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am
convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God,
only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has
fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are
frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers
find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally
great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts.
Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not
afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have
multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the
supply.

Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their
own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated.
Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected
by the hearts and minds of men.

True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by
failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by
which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations,
pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.
They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.

Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may
now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to
which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of
creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase
of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that
our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the
abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by
the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking
and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish

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Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and
action now.

Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely
and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself,
treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this
employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of
our great natural resources.

Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial
centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of
the land for those best fitted for the land.

Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with
this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the

tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped
by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that
their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are
often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of
all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public
character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely
talking about it.

We must act. We must act quickly.

And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return
of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and

investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be
provision for an adequate but sound currency.

These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special
session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48
States.

Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and
making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point
of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a
practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by
international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that

accomplishment.

The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly
nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various

elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently
important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the
immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the
neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the
neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world
of neighbors.

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interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are
to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a

common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes
effective.

We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it
makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the
larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto
evoked only in times of armed strife.

With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people
dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have
inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to
meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form.
That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political
mechanism the modern world has ever seen.

It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world

relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be
wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an
unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that
normal balance of public procedure.

I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the
midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may
build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to
speedy adoption.

But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the
national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront
me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive
power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we
were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no
less.

We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear
consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from
the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a
permanent national life.

We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not
failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have
asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of
their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.

In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.

May He protect each and every one of us.

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<b>Martin Luther King, Jr.: "I Have a Dream” </b>

<i>(delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.)</i>

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for
freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the
Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions
of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous

daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro
is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred
years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material
prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society
and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful
condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic
wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were
signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all
men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life,
Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this
promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred
obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked
"insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are
insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this
check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no
time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the
time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate
valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the
quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a
reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the
Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and
equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro
needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to
business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted
his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation
until the bright day of justice emerges.

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again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust
of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have
come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their
freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can
never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We
can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in
the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. *We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's
basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our
children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by a sign stating: "For Whites
Only."* We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New
York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be
satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you
have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest --
quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police
brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that
unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South
Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern
cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream
deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We
hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of
former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice,
sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged
by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

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I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made
low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory
of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."²

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith,
we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of

brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together,
to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with
new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and
every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's
children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join
hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! Free at last!

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