CAN THO UNIVERSITY
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN LANGUAGES

B.A. Thesis

Putting on a Mask or Putting off the Mask
Guiding Theme:
An Investigation of the Construction of CTU Khmer Students’
Identities under the Motivational English Learning Framework

Supervisor:
Mr. NGUYỄN HỒNG CHÍ, MEd
(Center of Foreign Languages)

Can Tho, April 2010

Student:
Trần Thị Diễm Phúc
Code: 7063030
Class: NN0654A1


CAN THO UNIVERSITY
SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES
DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN LANGUAGES

B.A. Thesis

Putting on a Mask or Putting off the Mask
Guiding Theme:

An Investigation of the Construction of CTU Khmer Students’
Identities under the Motivational English Learning Framework

A 10-credit thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the
Degree of Bachelor of English of Can Tho University

Supervisor:
Mr. NGUYỄN HỒNG CHÍ, MEd
(Center of Foreign Languages)

Can Tho, April 2010

Student:
Trần Thị Diễm Phúc
Code: 7063030
Class: NN0654A1


ii

Statement of Originality

I certify that this work has not been submitted in whole or in part to this university or to
any other educational institution for marking and assessment either previously or
concurrently. I also certify that I have not received any outside help and that unless
otherwise attributed the material presented is all my own original work.

Trần Thị Diễm Phúc

April 2010



iii

ABSTRACT
Key words: identity, the construction of identity, English learning motivation,
language, ethnicity, CTU (Can Tho University) Khmer students, bilingual and bicultural
learning environment.

The construction of individuals’ identities which is often seen as a complex process of
identity formation and transformation and EFL learners’ motivation in learning English
are two common topics that have been researched and reported in literature in order to
facilitate the learner-centered teaching approach. This paper explores the process of
identity construction of Khmer students at CTU (the dependent variable) under the
influences of motivation in learning English (the independent variable). The current
study aims to find out how CTU Khmer students construct their identities in English
classrooms and what types of learning motivation affect this process. The study is a
qualitative one which employs recorded face-to-face interviews as the main instrument
for data collection and analysis. The participants involved in this study were 10 Khmer
students randomly chosen from different majors and courses studying English at CTU.
The findings of the research are supposed to help English educators have an insight into
the construction of Khmer students’ identities in order to apply appropriate pedagogical
approaches in teaching Khmer students at Can Tho University which is now seen as a
bilingual and bicultural learning environment. The results demonstrated that the Khmer
students try to adapt themselves in a new environment by changing some identities at a
salient level such as habits, language and dressing styles whereas their ethnicity as the
core identity remains unchanged. In addition, the Khmer students have a tendency to
integrate another core identity – that of the dominant group – into their own, becoming a
bicultural individual. If each identity is seen as a mask, then the Khmer students have
worn some masks as they changed their identities and added in new identities. However,

these masks are positive ones. The results of the study showed little relationship
between the construction of Khmer students’ identities and English learning motivation.


iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This study has been completed with the help and support of many people. Therefore, I
am grateful to all of them.
First and foremost, I would like to express my deep gratitude to my dedicated
supervisor, Mr. Nguyen Hong Chi, who instructed me during the process of the thesis.
Dear Thay Chi, thank you very much for your suggestion on the research topic and your
support during the time I was conducting the research. You have devoted a lot of energy
and valuable time advising and correcting my thesis. Without your help, encouragement
as well as patience to me, I would not have completed the thesis. Working with you, I
have learned a lot of valuable knowledge and experiences of doing research and other
social knowledge as well. In short, I owe a great debt of thanks to you for what you have
done for me.
Next, I would like to send my special thanks to Bui Thi Diem Thuy and Ngo Thi Hong
Nhung, my two close friends and classmates, who supported me in translating the
covering letter and the interview questions and transcribing the record for my easy
analysis. I am particularly grateful to Ngo Thi Hong Nhung for searching and lending
me related books for my reference.
I am also grateful to Ngo Vinh Hung, my classmate, who advised me on the recording
software and lent me the microphone to record the interviews. Many thanks to Phung
Xuan Truc, Duong Thi Ngoc Mai and Le Kieu Oanh, my three group-mates in the
Translation 3 course as they gave me good conditions during the time I conducted my
study.
Finally, my thanks are due to Khmer students at Can Tho University who

enthusiastically participated in the interviews. Without their assistance, my study could
not have been conducted.


v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Statement of originality ...................................................................................... Page ii
Abstract ......................................................................................................................iii
Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................iv
Table of Contents ........................................................................................................ v
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................ 1
1.1 Rationale.................................................................................................. 1
1.2 Research questions................................................................................... 2
1.3 Research objectives and significance ....................................................... 2
1.4 Organization of the thesis......................................................................... 3
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................. 4
2.1 The construction of identities .................................................................. 4
2.2 Definition of English learning motivation................................................ 9
2.3 Interrelationship between the construction of identities and learning
motivation ............................................................................................ 11
2.4 Some social-cultural features of Khmer people in the Mekong Delta..... 12
2.5 Hypotheses............................................................................................ 15
CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY.................................................... 16
3.1 Research design.................................................................................... 16
3.2 Participants........................................................................................... 18
3.3 Data collection instruments .................................................................. 18
3.4 Data collection procedure ..................................................................... 19
3.5 Methodological limitations ................................................................... 20

CHAPTER 4: DISCUSSION .................................................................................. 21
4.1 Language as a marker of Khmer students’ ethnic identity..................... 21
4.2 Other distinctive factors........................................................................ 22
4.3 Integration but not assimilation ............................................................ 23
4.4 Ethnicity in foreign language education................................................ 25
4.5 Khmer students’ adaptation in the new context..................................... 27
4.6 Khmer students’ attitudes towards English learning ............................. 27


vi

CHAPTER 5: IMPLICATIONS, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS .
....................................................................................................... 30
5.1 Implications.......................................................................................... 30
5.2 Conclusion ........................................................................................... 30
5.2 Topics for further research.................................................................... 31
References............................................................................................. 32
Appendices............................................................................................ 36
Appendix 1: Covering letter.......................................................... 36
Appendix 2: Interview questions................................................... 38
Appendix 3: Interview scripts ....................................................... 40


1

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION
1.1 Rationale
The majority of students at CTU are Kinh students. Other groups of students include

Khmer, Chinese, Cham students among which Khmer students are of the greatest
quantity. The fact that there are an increasing number of Khmer students learning
English has gained much of my concern since Khmer students have to study in the
cross-cultural environment where the target language, target culture could be very much
different from that in their home culture. Khmer students learning English at CTU may
have to give up their own identities add in Kinh identities and English culture (AngloSaxon) identities.
Recently, a variety of studies (Hamley, 2001; Meynert, 2007; Purdie et al., 2000;
Ricento, 2005; Schopflin, 2001; Stets & Burke, 2003) have been conducted on English
learners’ identities since the flourish of multiculturalism and multilingualism. The
acquisition of a new language equally means the acquisition of a new culture which
could impose many influences on the construction of one’s identities that are normally
seen as their core values to construct their nature, instinct or as existential self.
Likewise, as an important factor in English learning success, motivation has become one
of the major topics for research on English language learning and the success of English
proficiency. According to Gardner (1985), motivation has many influences on English
learners’ attitudes toward learning English as well as their academic results. Therefore,
it is assumed that motivation may also have influences on the construction of English
learners’ identities.
However, little is known about the effects of English learning motivation on the
construction of identities of English learners, especially, learners of English as a foreign
language. One’s identities consist of social identities, personal identities and collective
identities (Snow, 2001). In addition, as stated by Hamley (2001), one’s identities may
turn different or even disappear in different contexts and different periods of time.
Therefore, the concern of how Khmer students’ identities is constructed or changed
under the motivational English learning context should be taken into consideration.


2

1. 2 Research Questions

The construction of identities depends on both objective factors and subjective factors.
Objective factors can lead to internal changes that culminate in changes in one’s
identities or create new identities. However, Meynert (2007) states that it is subjectivity
that determines the construction and transformation of an individual’s identities.
Specifically, the construction and transformation of one’s identities in an English
learning context, as posited by Yihong, Yuan, Ying, and Yan (2007), are in close
relation to many different types of learning motivation. For the above reasons, this study
aims to investigate the construction of Khmer student’s identities in the English
classrooms at CTU. Additionally, the types of motivation affecting their construction of
identities in different ways will be examined to verify whether there is a relationship
between identities and motivation. Therefore, this study is going to answer the following
questions:
1. How do the Khmer students construct their identities in the English learning
context of CTU?
2. What types of English learning motivation affect their identity construction?
3. How do these motivation types affect their identity construction?
1.3 Research Objectives and Significance
Learning English in a Vietnamese speaking environment seems hard for Khmer students
to neutralize the differences among the different languages and cultures. Therefore, they
may change or generate some identities in order to adapt themselves to the new context.
This study aims to investigate the process and the ways they construct their identities as
well as the motivational factors influencing this construction process; and through the
result, propose appropriate pedagogical strategies so as to motivate their construction of
positive identities and to minimize their sufferings and sacrifices. As discussed earlier,
the study investigates the ways in which the Khmer students in English classrooms at
CTU construct their identities and what motivational factors affect this process of
construction. The results of the study are of value in terms of helping langauge
educators, higher education practitioners and administrators pay close attention to the
design of English curricula and teaching styles to help the Khmer students construct
their identities positively without losing their identities, especially collective ones.



3

1.4 Organization of the thesis
1.4.1 Organization of the thesis
The thesis consists of five chapters, including (1) Introduction, (2) Literature Review,
(3) Research Methodology, (4) Results, and (5) Discussion, Conclusion, and
Limitations.
Chapter one has presented the statement of the problem concerning CTU Khmer
students’ identities and the possibilities they may give up or add in some identities under
the influences of the English learning environment. The background information and the
reasons for the conduction of the research are also presented. The chapter also
introduces the research questions as well as the research objectives. Finally, the thesis
organization and significance of the research are mentioned in the last section of the
chapter.
The literature review presented in Chapter Two attempts to clarify the definition
of the terms identity and motivation, specifically motivation in English learning.
Besides, a number of related studies are cited along with the theoretical analysis of the
issues. The literature review also mentions the correlation between English learning
motivation and the construction of identities, and it wraps the review with a brief
overview of Khmer students’ identities.
Chapter Three focuses on the research method with the description of the
research design, and the participants. A detail description of the instruments used for the
data collection and methodological limitations are also included.
Chapter Four shows the results of the investigation. It then compares the
identities of Khmer students at CTU and those at their hometown to examine how they
construct their identities in the different environments.
The last chapter tests the hypotheses, summarizes, and concludes the main results
of the study.



Literature Review

4

CHAPTER 2

LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1 The Construction of Identities
Identity is important to every person’s sense of their own individuality and positions in
society. In general, identity or the self is seen as a discrete entity with a unique and
distinctive esteem, image or individuality. In other words, we could tell an individual
apart from every other thanks to his or her identities. It is necessarily noticed that
identity is a complex combination shaped by individuals’ multiple identities of several
domains ranging from physical and mental characteristics to behaviours, experiences
and relationships with others in society, etc. No single identity could fully and
distinctively describe an individual as a whole self. Individuals’ identities could be
identified through their perception of themselves or others’ view of them. One’s
identities could be viewed by different individuals’ perpectives. Still some of his or her
identities exist unconsciously. For example, student A may see himself as easy-going
and humorous while his friends see him as friendly and trustworthy, his teachers notice
his intelligence and his parents think of him as a hardworking child, but no one realizes
that A still has a good sense of music. Additionally, identities involve both positive and
negative aspects. A student may see herself studious but inactive. Therefore, a full
image of a person should be all the characteristics described by all different perceptions.
Individuals’ identities serve two basic functions: to distinguish them from others
and, at the same time, to include them in groups of other individuals who have similar
identities to their own. According to Hall (1991, cited in Meynert, 2007), identity does

not mean a product but the process of identification, i.e. the process of understanding
oneself and how one is different from others. However the structure of identification is
formed through ambivalence – through the inclusion of what is mine and the exclusion
of what is others’. People with similar identities tend to get together forming a group in
which their identities would be shared, appreciated and confirmed, which helps them
feel confident, comfortable and secured. They naturally form a bound to prevent the
invasion of others whose identities are different from theirs in an attempt to protect their
ease and security. However, in reality, individual differences within a group still exist.
Individuals could share the same identities with other members in the group, but it is
their background, internal beliefs, feelings, meanings as well as different reactions
toward these same identities that keep them apart from the others. For example, a


Literature Review

5

student may think that he or she must be studious and academic while another student
may feel him or herself active and sociable being a student. A certain identity thus
implies many different meanings to one individual or different individuals.
It is supposed that there are two hierarchies of identity. In the first order that is
termed “salience hierarchy” by Stryker (1980, cited in Stets & Burke, 2003), identities
are expressed through explainable and visible signs or expressions through which one
could present themselves. For example, one may say that “I keep my hair long because I
am a girl,” or “I greet you by bowing and clasping my hands because I am a Khmer.”
However, there are some beliefs or moral values that are unexplainable. These identities
belong to the second hierarchy termed “prominence hierarchy” by McCall and Simmons
(1978, cited in Stets & Burke, 2003). It seems hard to explain why girls’ hair must be
long and why Khmer people have such a style of greeting. Unexplainable identities are
ascribed to myths or divine arbiters.

Modernist discourses, which assert the existence of a stable and knowable self
and absolute truth, emphasize that people’s identities are stable. Each individual would
correspondingly have a static and fundamental identity with his or her own subjective
meaning and reasoning that distinguishes the “self” from the “other”, and “we” from
“they”. Whereas, postmodernist ideology, which rejects modern grand narratives,
favoring “little-narratives” and fragmentation, believes that identities are contemporary
and could probably be displaced and replaced in different locales and different points of
time. Advocating the viewpoint of postmodernism, Hamley (2001, p.7) states that
identity is not a fixed thing, but “something that is constructed over a period of time and
can constantly be updated or changed completely.” According to postmodernist
conceptions, people may well have both new and old identities. The new may replace
the old completely, or they may co-exist simultaneously with each other. However, in
reality, some of an individual’s identities such as gender and race, which partly compose
of their core identity, do remain unchangedalthough, over time and space, some of his or
her characteristics may be adjusted.
Snow (2001) points out that there are three kinds of identities: personal identities,
social identities and collective identities. Personal identities or self-identities, as
suggested by Snow (ibid., p.2), are “self-designations and self-attributions regarded as
personally distinctive.” In addition, self-identities have “both a knowledgeable and an
evaluative component” (Berry, in press; Tajfel, 1982, cited in Purdie, Tripcony, BoultnLewis, Fanshawe, & Gunstone, 2000, p. 4). That is self-identities involve both “who I
am” and “what I think of who I am.” Social identities, also called “role identities”
(Stryker, 1980, cited in Snow, 2001, p. 14) or “categorical identities” (Calhoun, 1997,


Literature Review

6

ibid.), are created since individuals interact with the society in which they play a certain
role such as “teacher”, “student”, “child”, or “parent.” (Hall, 1991, cited in Meynert,

2007). According to Snow (ibid.), social identities are fundamental to social interaction.
Collective identities are constructed when individuals share the same identities and try
to maintain these similar identities to be in the crowd (Snow, ibid.). In other words, if
personal identities are concerned with the concept of “who I am”, then collective
identities concern that of “who we are.” The shared meaning of the self in a collectivity
enables its members to make assumptions about another’s identities (Schopflin, 2001).
Snow (2001) also acknowledges that the three kinds of identities of a person
often overlap and function reciprocally. Those who identify themselves as a member of
a collectivity or group would integrate the group’s values, attitudes, and perspectives
into their personal identities to build up the whole self. However, the expression of these
identity types could be somehow different in specific situations (Hamley, 2001). The
identity or the self we show to a friend may be different from the identity we present to a
teacher or a family member. This indicates the diversity in people’s expression of
identities.
Besides, Hong, Wan, No, and Chiu (2007) suggest another kind of identity
termed cultural identity. The researchers highlight that collective identity and cultural
identity are two distinct constructs although they may well overlap each other.
Individuals may identify themselves with collective identities but not with cultural
identities which characterize that collectivity and vice versa. For example, Buddhism is
commonly distributed in the Khmer community, but some Khmer people may solely
undertake their Khmer identities not Buddhist identities. Hong and colleagues (ibid.)
also points out that those who strongly identify themselves with collective identities are
likely to take on the cultural identities that are widely spread within the collectivity.
Similarly, people having strong identification with cultural identities that belong to a
particular group may also integrate the identities of the group to the definition of the
self.
Schopflin (2001) emphasizes that collectivities, minorities, for example, mark
their identities with boundary markers and filters and sustain their existence through
“collective norms” or “moral regulation” regarded as criteria to judge others’ behaviours
or ideas. Boundary markers can be a place, kinship, history, traditions, etc., and, most

importantly, language. Cobb (2001) suggests that if the norms are apparent, people’s
sense of membership would be strengthened because they could clearly distinguish
between their own and other groups. According to Papalia and colleagues (2001),
however, if their ethnicity reveals some conflict with the values of the dominant group –


Literature Review

7

for example, when they face prejudices against their ethnic community - then they may
experience some confusion and uncertainty about their identities. In response to the
conflict, as Meynert (2007) points out, the minorities may choose one of three options.
The first option is that they may assimilate. This means they would lose their own
language and boundary markers and define themselves as the dominant people. The
second option is to “co-exist peacefully” and accept their subordination. To do so, they
have to reproduce their norms in order to make their identities accepted because they
recognize the power of the dominant group. However, as proposed by Doreen Rosenthal
and Shirley Feldman (1992, cited in Cobb, 2001), some ethnic identities may be
unchangeable because they constitute to the core of the groups. The third option is to
struggle for secessionism and full independence.
The construction of identities is a complicated and fluid developmental process
throughout one’s life. The process occurs when there is a need for defining new aspects
of the surroundings and the self because of people’s awareness of the differences
between the self and the other (Cobb, 2001). Individuals or groups are considered as a
social being under the great influences of the society or the surroundings to which they
belong and interact. Each individual in the collectivity often upholds shared identities to
show their membership in the group, and as such, their previous identities may be at risk
of disappearance. In these cases, factors that help guarantee their identities perhaps are
the collective meanings or the internal spirit each individual because, as explained by

Schopflin (2001, p. 4), “all collectivities and individuals use various forms of cognitive
shorthand to make the world intelligible.”
Additionally, when the sense of membership of individuals becomes inconsistent
with the sense of their self or somehow presents a negative self-image, spiritual conflicts
within the individuals are more likely to occur. They would become confused about who
they really are. These individuals, in order to solve the problems, may selectively form
identities that present their positive self-image or positive identities in a specific context
(Turner, 1987, cited in Pittinsky, Shih, & Ambady, 1999). This implies that they try to
deflect some of their identities, which may make them exhausted from not feeling free
to show their actual self. According to Claude Steele’s (1988, cited in Gale, 2008) selfaffirmation theory, if a certain identity is threatened or criticized, people tend to
reinforce another identity in an area of their dominant value so that their self-integrity
would be rebuilt by leading others to identify them through their achievements rather
than their weaknesses. For example, student Qu. may be not very good at sports, but she
would try to show people that she sings well.


Literature Review

8

Identity construction and transformation may also take place owing to the
potential conflicts of multiple identities within an individual. Therefore, this kind of
identities should be adapted in accordance with the others in order not to cause identity
conflicts or cognitive dissonance. Festinger (1957, cited in Heine & Lehman, 1997)
asserts that cognitive dissonance is an unpleasant experience caused by the
inconsistency between two or more components, typically between one’s beliefs and
behaviours. It is considered by many researchers (Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Triandis,
1989; Weisz, Rothbaum, & Blackburn, 1984, cited in Heine & Lehman, 1997) that
individuals’ behaviours are executed under the control of their internal thoughts, beliefs,
attitudes, and judgments. Therefore, by changing their controlling values over their

behaviours, people could modify their behaviours in accordance with common social
expectations; and in so doing they could reduce or remove cognitive dissonance.
In the process of development and interaction with the world outside, individuals
frequently confront changes which create possibilities to construct a new identity.
According to Cobb (2001), people who open themselves to new possibilities tend to
allow themselves freedom to accept new identities or identity changes in the
construction of their whole identity. Conversely, foreclosed people who take their
identities (especially religious beliefs) for granted tend to be more authoritarian and
closed to possibilities that may challenge their self integrity. Therefore, changes seem
hard to occur. Whether a new identity or an existing identity is successfully constructed
or transformed or not depends on the degree of personal desire and the power of
influential factors. If one’s desire corresponds with external forces, a new identity is
likely to be formed. Otherwise, one must sacrifice some identity, which usually leads to
resistance, conflicts, struggles during the process of identity construction. Even so, the
transformation of identities is believed to take place at superficial levels of subjective
identities like appearance, actions and so on. Whereas, the one’s base or inner meanings
or objective identities like race, gender, religion, class, and national origin are unlikely
to be changed.
2.2 Definition of English Learning Motivation
Various studies have been conducted to investigate the importance of motivation as one
of the influential factors to the success of English learning. In the context of this study,
motivation would be examined as a determining factor during the construction process
of the Khmer students’ identities in CTU English classrooms. Motivation is an internal
psychological force within an individual that fosters the individual to devote effort in
order to achieve certain goals. As stated by Kanfer (1990, cited in Ke & Zhang, 2007),
motivation could determine one’s behaviour, increase their level of effort and the ability


Literature Review


9

to stay persistent when facing difficulties. In terms of foreign/second language learning,
specifically, Gardner (1985) describes motivation as a construct with three aspects:
effort, desire to achieve the goal of learning the language, and favorable attitudes toward
the study of the language. Among the three factors, learners’ attitudes seem to be a
prerequisite for learning motivation. For example, if learners like the target language,
they would learn it effectively with great effort and pleasure; otherwise they can make
little effort or pay little attention to learning it. In other words, as Vo (2002) suggests,
learners’ view of the importance of the target language determines how they engage in
the learning of that language. However, Gardner (1985) also emphasizes that the lack of
any of the three factors would not lead to actual motivation. Therefore, a truly motivated
learner is the one who is enthusiastic in learning and tries his/ her best to make progress
in that activity. Also, motivated students, as described by Winke (2005), are those who
are persevering and willing to confront challenges or difficult tasks during the learning
process to achieve their objectives or aspirations. Motivation is thus considered an
essential and determining factor to English learners’ success, although English learning
may have different meanings to different learners.
There are a variety of factors that could well become good motives and
motivational conditions for English learning students. These factors include external
ones like learning situation which Dornyei (1994, cited in Vo, 2002) divides into three
areas: course-specific motivational components, teacher-specific motivational
components, and group-specific motivational components. There are also internal
factors such as “self-confident” (Clement, Dornyei & Noels, 1994, cited in Gao, Zhao,
Zheng & Zhou, 2004), “salience of goals”, and “self-efficacy” (Tremblay & Gardner,
1995, cited in Gao, Zhao, Zheng & Zhou, 2004, p. 10). Recently, in-depth research on
the structure of motivation conducted by Qin and Wen (2002, cited in Gao, Zhao, Cheng
& Zhou, 2004) has suggested other contributing factors of motivation such as learning
achievements, attribution to learning results, learning interest, self-efficacy, and
orientation of goals. Yihong, Yuan, Ying and Yan (2007), in their study on the

relationship between English learning motivation types and self-identity changes among
Chinese students, suggest seven different motives the Chinese students may possess
including intrinsic interest, immediate achievement, learning situation, going abroad,
social responsibility, individual development, and information medium.
Motivational factors basically fall into two distinct types proposed by Porter and
Lawler (1964, cited in Ke & Zhang, 2007): intrinsic motivation and extrinsic
motivation. Intrinsic motivation indicates being motivated for one’s own sake and
feelings (Vansteenkiste, Simon, Lens, Sheldon & Deci, 2004, cited in Seven & Engin,
2008). In this sense, intrinsic motivation is internally generated depending upon each


Literature Review

10

individual’s identities, emotional states and situations; and “appears to be self sustained”
(Deci, 1975, cited in Ke & Zhang, 2007, p. 32). In contrast, extrinsic motivation in
learning English is outside factors that motivate a person to learn in order “to achieve
some instrumental end such as earning a reward or avoiding a punishment” (Deci &
Ryan, 1985, cited in Conttia, 2007, p. 20). Thus, extrinsic motivation in an English
classroom may derive from such factors as the teacher, the class atmosphere, the course
content, materials and facilities, etc. which could be classified into another type of
motivation proposed by Gardner (2007) namely classroom learning motivation.
Regarding social psychological aspects of English language learning, Gardner
and Lambert (1972, cited in Vo, 2002) suggest another classification of motivation:
instrumental motivation and integrative motivation. Instrumental motivation is the
aspiration to learn a new language as a means to gain a certain practical goal or to meet
some requirement such as passing a credit course, or getting a well-paid job. Meanwhile,
an integratively motivated learner desires to learn a new language because he or she
likes that language and wants to be part of the group of people who speak it. In other

words, the learner feels like integrating or communicating with the community in which
the target language is spoken. However, Benson (1991, cited in Norris-Holt, 2001)
suggests that integrative motivation also means the desire to become bilingual and
bicultural to EFL learners, and that this type of motivation may occur during the
integration of the target language and its culture to the learners’ own cultural identities.
Comparing and contrasting the two kinds of motivation, many researchers (Crookes et al
1991, cited in Norris-Holt, 2001; Ellis 1997; Taylor, Meynard & Rheault, 1977) insist
that integrative motivation has a deeper and longer influence on language acquisition of
learners, and thus students being integratively motivated are more likely to succeed than
those with instrumental motivation.
It is difficult to identify particular motivation types a student may have. In fact,
there may be an intricate combination of multiple types of motivation that occurs during
the process of English learning. For example, a student may learn English for fun, to get
a good job and at the same time to communicate with English speakers. It is obvious
that this student has intrinsic, instrumental and extrinsic motivation. As for Vietnamese
EFL learners, Ellis (1996, cited in Tran, 2007, p.153) concludes that their motivations
are formed by the “teacher’s initiative” and the “students’ will to succeed.” This
conclusion indicates that Vietnamese students seem to hold instrumental motivation
rather than integrative motivation. To a larger extent, they tend to sustain extrinsic
motivation instead of intrinsic one as their usual goals in learning English are to get a
better job, to study abroad, or simply to meet a course requirement. In addition, it is
supposed that each student could probably hold different motives; and as motivation is


Literature Review

11

influenced by specific learning environments and each leaner’s identities, some kinds of
motivation a student possesses may change if he or she is in a different classroom

environment or if his or her identities change. A student studying English as a foreign
language in the monolingual homeland may have more instrumental motivation than
integrative motivation since he or she has little or no contact with the target community.
However, if the student goes to study overseas, he or she may tend to learn English in
order to interact with native speakers.
In conclusion, with respect to the achievement in English learning, motivation is
considered an essential factor that learners should have in order to become successful.
Besides, being an attribute strongly related to learners’ identities, motivation is supposed
to impose its influences on the construction of their identities. In the current study,
motivation would be examined whether it influences the construction of Khmer
students’ identities.
2.3 Interrelationship between the Construction of Identities and Learning
Motivation
The findings of the study on “Relationship between English learning motivation types
and self-identity changes among Chinese students” conducted by Yihong and colleagues
(2007) show that there is an intimate and mutual relationship between motivation and
self-identity changes. In fact, there is a strong relationship between “intrinsic interest”
motivation and “productive” and “additive” changes (p. 145). That means the more
interested one feel in the target language and culture, the more likely he or she is to
combine the two languages and cultures in communicating and interpreting the world. In
return, the better he or she uses and understand the two languages and cultures, the more
he or she likes the new language and the culture in which it is spoken. Moreover,
“individual development” motivation is found to be interrelated to “self-confidence”
change. This result reveals the importance of English learning as an instrumental
motivation to meet one’s self-esteem needs (Maslow, 1957, cited in Yihong, Yuan,
Ying, & Yan, 2007). Motivation types, the process of identities construction and the
correlation between the two variables may vary depending on specific contexts, and it
needs further investigation and examination.
2.4 Some Social-Cultural Features of the Khmer people in the Mekong Delta
Khmer people in the Mekong Delta were originated from Cambodia, having the same

culture and the same Khmer language with different dialects, which is part of the MonKhmer language. They immigrated to the Mekong delta since the 12th century because


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they had to suffer from hard labor and beggarly poverty caused by Cambodian Feudal
oppression (especially the Angkorean Empire). In the 15th century, Khmer people
continued to be stricken by poverty caused by Thai domination as the Angkorean
Empire collapsed (Nguyen, 1998). To escape from foreign oppression, more and more
Khmer people emigrated to the Mekong Delta. During the late 17th century, Mac Cuu, a
Chinese anti-Qing general, began to expand Vietnamese and Chinese settlements deeper
into Khmer lands in Ha Tien. At that time, Khmer people along with the Vietnamese
and Chinese lived peacefully together without any government. Until 1698, the Nguyen
Lords set up their authority in the Mekong Delta.
Although the Khmer live together with other peoples, they could also remain
their traditional inhabitation. A typical Khmer family consists of parents and their
children, and several families having blood relations and neighboring relations get
together forming their traditional settling place called phum and srok. Phum and srok are
a traditional self-governed social organization of the Khmer. The head of a phum or srok
is an aged and experienced person who has prestige in the community. Nowadays, the
leader of the phum or srok no longer controls the community but still has influences on
the community members in terms of feelings (Trinh, 2006).
The Khmer have a wide area of accommodation throughout the Mekong Delta.
They can live on hills, along mountain sides, river sides, etc. (Nguyen, 2005). However,
there is an unequal distribution in the Khmer population in the Mekong Delta. For
example, according to (Nguyen, 1998), in Tra Vinh Province the Khmer primarily
center at Tra Cu district, which makes up 68.2 % of the province’s population. And only
3 out of 13 communes of Tra Cu consist of over 70% of the Khmer population. The

other communes consist of 50% or less.
In the Mekong Delta, they live mostly on agriculture and handicraft, so their
annual incomes are still low. As concluded by Nguyen and Tran (2005), this difficulty
results from both internal problems like low education, small land holding, poor
economic management capacity, etc. and external problems such as less opportunity to
education, training, low access to information, poor infrastructure facilities. Recently,
the number of pupils dropping school tends to increase in the Mekong Delta. Statistics
in the first semester of the 2007-2008 academic year have shown that 56% of drop-outs
are Khmer pupils (Vinh, 2008). Teachers at the Mekong Delta schools having a large
number of dropping pupils said that beside financial difficulties, the major problem of
these pupils is that they cannot speak the Vietnamese language and they cannot
understand what teachers say.


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The Khmer people still remain several special festivals including both traditional
and religious ones which form a unique identity for the Khmer collectivity. Each year,
they organize hundreds of celebrations and festivals out of which the three most
important ones are Chôl Chnăm Thmây, Sen ðônta, and Ok Om Bok. These festivals
are somewhat similar in terms of worship and beliefs, etc.; each yet has its specific
legends, meanings as well as ways of organization. These celebrations still remain today
even though there have been changes in organizational forms and scales along with
changes in society, economy and governmental policies. These days, most festivals just
last for 1 to 3 days instead of 2 weeks or more as they did in the past. Most ceremonials
of the religion are performed widely since most of the Khmer people are religious and
their social activities involve religiousness as a result. Simply put, there is no clear
distinction between the two common kinds of the Khmer people’s festivals.

It could be said that the Vietnam located Khmers’ identities are strongly
identified by their religious beliefs and practices. Their official religion is Theravada
Buddhism since the majority of them are followers of Buddhism. The religion has been
imported to the Khmer population since the 13th century, becoming the main creed of
the Khmer people. However, before the presence of Buddhism, the Khmers were
influenced by Brahmanism and folk beliefs which were practiced by their Cambodian
ancestors. Little of these beliefs still exist these days (Nguyen, 2003). In the Khmer
commune, social life and religious life often overlap since most people are religious and
the religion is socialized. Cultural and traditional activities as well as important
meetings of Khmer people mainly take place at pagodas. A Khmer boy at the age of 12
will be sent to a pagoda to gain knowledge and to learn traditional moral values. After a
few years leading a religious life, he could choose whether to return to the secular life or
not. The Khmer people believe that those who have been trained in a pagoda would
become smart, trustworthy and widely respected. Unlike Kinh people’s Mahayana
Buddhism, Theravada Buddhism of the Khmer people solely worship the Great Buddha.
Regarding Khmer Pagodas, statistics show that there are over 400 Khmer
pagodas with about 10000 monks throughout the Mekong delta (Trinh, 2006). The
Khmer people protect their pagodas as their own life. They always devote their effort
and properties to the beauty and prosperity of the pagodas regardless of difficult living
conditions. It is often said that where there is a Khmer person, there is a Khmer pagoda,
which may indicate that, to the Khmer people, pagodas are the most solemn and
respectful place thanks to their several important roles in every Khmer person’s life. The
Khmer pagodas are a place not only for religious practices and praying but also for
social and cultural activities and conmmunal meetings. Beside festivals and celebrations,
the Khmer people also go to pagoda regularly when experiencing a happy or


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14


problematic event. Additionally, the Khmer pagodas teach the Khmer monks and people
general knowledge and the Khmer and Pali language so as to help the people become
more knowledgeable and lead an honest and helpful life. Especially, the Khmer pagodas
are the only place that represents the Khmer group’s masterpieces of architecture,
sculpture and panting showing the intelligence, aesthetics, creativeness and skillfulness
of talented Khmer craftsmen. The structures and decoration of the Khmer pagodas in the
Mekong Delta are mostly similar to those in pagodas in Campodia. In short, the Khmer
pagodas are the very place where their distinctive traditional and cultural values like
language, manners and customs, legends, cultural and religious activities, folk arts, etc.
are maintained and popularized. That is the reason why pagodas always win the Khmer
people’s faith and respect.
On the whole, their history, traditions and culture are similar to the Khmer people
in Cambodia in many aspects. For example, besides Sakyamuni Buddha that is mainly
worshipped in each Khmer pagoda, statues of Gods from Hinduism are still worshipped
in some Khmer pagodas. However, some of their cultural values have also been
modified to fit the residential environment. Their narrative of Chôl Chnăm Thmây is a
typical example. If the main character of the legend of Chôl Chnăm Thmây in Cambodia
is a prince, that of the Mekong Delta legend is just a normal boy (Pham, 2007).
Specifically, the Khmer students in the Mekong Delta feel a strong ethnic identity when
they are at home and their community. They speak in Khmer and practice their tradition
cultural values. However, they also see themselves as part of the Kinh group when being
with Kinh people. They speak Vietnamese and act as the Kinh people do. As most of
their time spent on studying from the very first age of schooling, they mostly
communicate with others in Vietnamese and solely learn the Khmer language in summer
vacations, some of the Khmer students could not speak Khmer fluently and still some
could speak but could not write in Khmer.
2.5 Hypotheses
Based on the analysis of the practical background at CTU as well as my understanding
of identity and English learning motivation, it is hypothesized that the Khmer students at

CTU would have multi-layered identities since they are influenced by different cultures
of different languages. In addition, the research hypotheses are that Khmer students may
give up some of their true identities and add in some superficial identities while they
still remain their core identities.


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CHAPTER 3

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 Research Design
This study was an attempt to explore a social issue related to people’s identities. The
main purposes of this study were to describe the feelings and experiences of Khmer
students when they studied English at CTU where the majority of students are Kinh
people; and thereby, to identify the ways the Khmer students construct their identities
and what kinds of learning motivation affect this construction process. Therefore, to
answer the research questions as described earlier, the participants of the current
research were a group of Khmer students studying at CTU. Specifically, the study
focused on the ways Khmer students changed their identities under the influences of
Vietnamese culture, English culture and their own culture.
This study is a qualitative one because, as stated by Ereaut (2007, p. 8), “qualitative
research is used to gain insight into people's attitudes, behaviours, value systems,
concerns, motivations, aspirations, culture or lifestyles”. In this research, an in-depth
exploration of how Khmer students at CTU construct their identities (the dependent
variable) under the influences of learning motivation (the independent variable) in
English classrooms was carried out.

In this research, validity and reliability of the data and the research methods were also
taken into consideration. Reliability is considered “a necessary but insufficient
condition” for validity in research (Cohen et al., 2005, p. 105). Although it is said
Golafshani (2003) that validity and reliability are not seen separately in qualitative
research as they are in quantitative research, it is necessary to clarify the meanings of the
two terms. Validity deals with the appropriateness of the methods used to collect data in
order to answer the research questions. According to Cohen and colleagues (ibid.),
validity of data collection instruments may take many forms depending on the types of
research. For example, in qualitative data, validity might be addressed through the
honesty, depth, richness and scope of the data achieved, the participants approached, etc.
In quantitative data, validity might be improved through careful sampling, appropriate
instrumentation and appropriate statistical treatments of the data. Cohen and colleagues
(ibid.) claim that although it is important to ensure certain kinds of validity in research it
would not mean that a piece of research is invalid if it fails to meet some kinds of


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validity. Reliability is more emphasized in quantitative research than in qualitative
research. Reliability refers to the consistency and replicability of the findings (Cohen et
al., 2005). That means, as suggested by Cohen and colleagues (ibid., p. 119), “if the
same methods are used with the same sample then the results should be the same”.
However, reliability in qualitative research is somewhat different since qualitative
research does not deal with statistical data. Instead, in such research, reliability could be
seen as a match between the data collected by the researcher and the actual occurrences
in the setting being researched (LeCompte & Preissle, 1993, cited in Cohen et al., ibid.).
In the present research, descriptive validity, interpretive validity, and reliability are
ensured. Descriptive validity refers to the factual accuracy of the account. Descriptive

validity is also regarded as reliability of the research according to LeCompte and
Preissle’s (1993, cited in Cohen et al., ibid.) notion of reliability in qualitative research
described above. That means the research describes what actually happens in reality.
Interpretive validity is the ability of the research to catch the meanings or terms used by
the participants. The participants and the researcher had no difficulty understanding each
other for the Vietnamese language was used in the conversations.
This qualitative research used a random sampling strategy for it did not aim to produce a
statistically representative sample or draw statistical inference. According to Cohen and
colleagues (ibid.), in a non-probability sample, participants are selected purposively
based on some pre-defined criteria determined by the focus and purposes of the
research. For example, the current study aims to provide an understanding of the Khmer
students’ formation and transformation of identities while they study English at CTU.
Therefore, only students who were Khmer and who had been studying English at CTU
were invited for an interview. Those who belonged to ethnic groups other than Khmer
and those who were Khmer but did not study English could not join the interviews.
Cohen and colleagues (ibid., p. 102) also notes that a non-probability sample “does not
represent the wider population, it simply represents itself”. There are several types of
non-probability sampling techniques such as convenience sampling, quota sampling,
dimensional sampling, purposive sampling and snowball sampling (Cohen et al., ibid.).
In this study, specifically, convenience sampling and purposive sampling were adopted.
With convenience sampling, also called accidental or opportunity sampling, the
researcher chose the sample from those who were known by the researcher because they
were easy to access. Then, among the participants in the sample, the researcher solely
selected those who met the researcher’s requirements and excluded the others. This
process is called purposive sampling. The sample size for this investigation was small
for it was partly determined by the instrument for data collection.


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The data collection instrument used in this study was the employment of interviews.
Cohen and colleagues (2005) suggest that interview in research could serve three
functions. Firstly, it is the main tool to obtain information for the research objectives.
Secondly, it may be used to test hypotheses or to suggest new ones. Thirdly, it is also
used as a complementary means to validate other methods in a piece of research. The
authors also explain the atmosphere of an interview could be formal, less formal or
completely informal. In formal interviews, the questions are asked on a standardized
schedule. The interviewer in less formal interviews may freely modify the sequence and
wording of the questions or explain them. During a completely informal interview, the
researcher may raise questions around a key issue in a conversational way. This research
used less formal interview as the principle tool to collect data.
3.2 Participants
The subjects involved in this study were ten Khmer students at CTU. Most of the
participants were first introduced to the researcher through the researcher’s friends.
Then, the researcher tried to contact these Khmer students and invited them to join the
interview. Out of 10 participants, 6 were male and 4 were female. The participants
studied in different majors and from different courses ranging from course 32 to 35. 7
out of 10 students had been studying Basic English courses for non-English majors.
Two students were third-year and fourth-year English-majored students. The other
student was first-year students majoring in English translation and interpretation. Most
of the participants came from Tra Vinh province (9 out of 10), and the other student cam
from Soc Trang Province.
3.3 Data Collection Instrument
To answer the research questions in this study, the qualitative data on Khmer students’
motivation in learning English and their construction of identities were obtained through
recorded face-to-face interviews. The interview questions were pre-designed based on
the theory discussed in the literature review section. These questions (often referred to
as an interview guide) helped to make sure the researcher asked the right questions for

the research purpose. The interviewing questions were designed in Vietnamese because
most of the participants did not speak English well.
There were four parts in the interview guide (please see Appendix 2). The first part was
expected to gain demographic information about the interviewees such as their
hometown, major, and discipline. The second part asked about their perception of their
identities as well as their identities as a Khmer. There were 9 questions relevant to the


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issue. The next part consisted of 6 questions related to their motivation in learning
English at CTU. Finally, the last part with 3 questions was an attempt to investigate how
English learning motivation affects the construction of the participants’ identities. A
recording software with a microphone integrated to a laptop was also prepared to record
the content of each interview.
3.4 Data Collection Procedure
The feasibility and comprehensibility of the interviewing questions were first tested by
two pilot interviews with one Kinh student and one Khmer student. The pilot interviews
were also recorded for further review and modification. After the two interviews, some
questions were deleted. Still some other questions were added in the interview guide,
and the researcher’ interview etiquette was also improved.
At the beginning of each official interview, the researcher read a covering letter
(please see Appendix 1) to introduce the topic of the research and to ask for consent
from the participant so as to start the interview. The interviews were considered an
informal talk in order not to put any pressure on the participants. The interviews were
undertaken individually for two days during the participants’ free time. The researcher
informed the participants that their participation was voluntary and that their responses
would remain confidential. There were ten interview meetings lasting 10-25 minutes

each. Most of the meetings took place at the participants’ dormitory, some in the
discussion room at the Learning Resource Center of CTU, and one in a classroom at
Building A3. During the interviews, a number of open-ended questions were asked. The
open-ended questions employed in this study helped to leave freedom for the
participants to express their own points of view. However, the interview was semistructured based on the participants’ responses and the researcher’s inquiry. One of the
advantages of semi-structured interviews is that the interview process is flexible. The
questions did not follow on exactly in the way outlined on the schedule. Questions that
were not included in the guide were also asked based on the interviewees’ responses.
Therefore, the interviewer had a chance to extend the probing questions and the
participants were free to make responses in their own ways. During each interview, the
interviewer took notes on the participants’ responses in order not to repeat the questions.
The recording of the interviews was transcribed in details for easy and detailed analysis
(please see Appendix 3).