KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

204




CHAPTER VI
Engaging Peasants in National Opposition
Local peasant struggles are undoubtedly the basis of KMP’s oppositional
politics. These struggles, however, could always be perceived as insignificant and
parochial, and easily dismissed as isolated cases of rural unrest if their cause and nature
are not projected and elevated at the national level.
The oppositional peasant politics of KMP on a national scale describes the
challenger’s broader and larger political engagement to advance the interests of
peasants. It illustrates how local struggles acquire a national character by showing how
local opposition is reciprocated by national actions and vice versa. If at the local level
KMP is able to confront its political opponents face-to-face, at the national level the
challenger is likewise able to confront the source of policies that engender or
complicate local conflicts.
In this respect, the succeeding discussions focus on the KMP’s political
dealings at the national level. The chapter evokes two arguments. First, movement
processes and structures at the national level are broader expressions of local
oppositions and involve more complex and formal modes and means of national
protest. This is evidenced by the way the national KMP organizes collective action and
enhance movement unity. Second, specific movement processes such as organization,
consciousness building, mobilization, and assessment of outcomes at the national level
possess striking similarities with those at the local level. The link is manifest in that
national opposition is an important extension of local protest while the latter represents
a microscopic view of national protest.
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

205




To substantiate the aforesaid arguments, I discuss respectively in the first three
sections the political and cultural aspects of the KMP’s organization, the movement’s
consciousness building activities, and the process how it engages the peasant and
different sectors of the population into collective action. The fourth section considers
the process how the movement perceives the effects of its oppositional politics vis-à-
vis its short-term and long-term goals. The fifth section concludes the chapter by
comparing the movement’s oppositional politics at the national and local levels – that
while oppositional politics at the two levels exhibit striking similarities, the political
practices from one level to another possess significant differences or breaks.
A. Organization of Collective Action and Identity
Organization is the crucial resource of KMP that enables it to forge unity
among its chapters nationwide and create a powerful collective medium for political
contestation. The movement’s effective leadership over 6 regional and 55 local
chapters (comprising a total of 800,000 rural people) is made possible by a centralized
federal organizational structure. The system makes possible the representation of all
member chapters and a strict coordination between the local, provincial, and regional
chapters and national office, and between members and leaders.
KMP regularly conducts national congresses and national council meetings. In
its 15 years of existence, the movement has conducted 5 national congresses and
numerous council meetings. The National Congress is composed of delegates
representing all member organizations while the National Council is comprised of
national leaders, and regional and Muslim representatives.
In between congress and the council meetings, the National Executive
Committee performs the role of executing plans and decisions and provides tactical

leadership. In turn the administrative chapters (regions, sub-regions, and provincial
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

206




branches) and local member organizations conduct their respective congresses, general
assemblies, or leaders’ meeting in between these national meetings. Moreover, KMP’s
constitution expressly stipulates the rights and duties of Member Organizations, the
National Congress, the National Council, the National Executive Committee, National
Leaders, and the National Office.
267

1. Political Organization
The political aspects of organization specifically deal with the processes
through which an oppositional movement organizes itself as a collective challenge
against its political opponents. To elaborate on these, I discuss how KMP orchestrates
collective action, its alliance work, how it interacts with support organizations, and its
administrative and finance work.
a. Orchestrating Collective Action
The national office of KMP basically operates, supervises, and coordinates
local, national, and international actions and with its member orga nizations through
seven integrated tasks or departments.
268
These departments, however, are not confined
within their job description and perform other tasks that are assigned by the National
Executive Committee aside from their respective duties and obligations.
Through its organizing department, the national office helps in building peasant

organizations in areas where there is still none. The department administers expansion
work and recommends approval of membership applications to the appropriate leadership
body. It regularly coordinates with other militant organizations, groups or key people
from other sectors for synchronized actions.

267
Lifted from the 1993 Constitution of the KMP.
268
Derived from a KMP Brochure (nd) and interviews with KMP national leaders and department heads.
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

207




Second, the mass struggles department provides direct support in planning,
implementing, sustaining, and summing up mass struggles of the entire organization at
different levels. It leads and facilitates the planning and administration of campaigns
and mobilizations in the National Capital Region. It is also responsible for the
promotion of selective mass struggles of local chapters. Third, through its education
and training department, the national office outlines and primarily implements
education programs and develops training courses for peasant leaders.
Fourth, the economic welfare department provides direct support to KMP chapters
in establishing and managing economic projects. It basically implements programs at the
national level that are significant in advancing genuine agrarian reform and improving the
livelihood of the peasantry. The department actively participates in the socio-economic
endeavors of the national office and member chapters in general aimed at developing an
orientation in economic and cooperative work.
Fifth, the public information department is tasked to conduct research about the

various issues related to the history, present status and demands of the peasants in the
Philippines. Subject to the approval of the National Executive Committee, it issues
relevant statements and formulates slogans regarding immediate peasant or national
issues. It manages the reproduction and distribution of official papers and journals of
KMP. Sixth, the international relations department establishes and develops coordination
with foreign organizations, institutions or individuals that are willing to support the
peasant movement. It also plans and organizes international education campaigns and
propaganda to project the situation and struggles of the peasantry in the Philippines.
And seven, through the administration and finance department, all departments of
the national office is provided with technical and administrative support. It collects fees or
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

208




dues from the membership, donations or contributions from supporters of the peasant
movement and spearheads in launching fund-raising campaigns for KMP.
Despite the demanding tasks of each department and lack of personnel, KMP
carries out its duties to member organizations by implementing the policy of “one
person per line of work”. The arrangement, however, is reinforced by the practice of
multi-tasking where one person pe rforms at least two or three tasks in a given day. The
assigned researcher would for example perform the task on hand in the morning,
perform alliance work in the afternoon, and then participate in campaigns and vigils in
the evening.
269

The said arrangement can indeed pose serious difficulties and limitations to
KMP’s personnel. The movement, however, is able to achieve the development and

seasoning of cadres through this complicated process. Another way of reinforcing the
policy is through a volunteer system. The office regularly scouts for students, out of
school youths, urban and rural poor people, teachers, and professionals who can help in
their daily operations. Some work part-time and others help on a full-time basis.
270

As a campaign-based organization, KMP generally organizes two types of
collective action to challenge political opponents, namely, mass actions and mass
campaigns. Mass actions refer to those political activities that are planned and
collectively carried out toward a specific objective. A particular kind of mass action
and that is predominantly being launched by the movement are mass struggles. These
are planned and collective actions carried out against specific political opponents.
On the other hand, mass campaigns refer to those planned, organized, and
sustained series of mass actions. Usually launched on broader scales, campaigns vary

269
Interviews with Wim D., Research Consultant and international alliance staff since 1999.
270
Most KMP staff started in this manner.
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

209




according to stated objectives such as political, organizational, educational, economic,
or a combination of them. The two types of collective actions can be further classified
as sectoral (involves one social grouping) or multi-sectoral (involves several social
groupings).

It all starts in the orchestration of a peasant campaign and the launching of
build-up activities that would culminate in a major mass action. First, the general
slogan or theme is set and the general objective of the campaign is laid down. The
character and conduct of the campaign is then determined based on the central theme
and objectives. After the direction is set, the most pressing national issues are
determined and processed by pinpointing the definite campaign issues to be carried.
The issues identified are further distilled to establish and contextualize the more
specific local issues and struggles to be highlighted at the national level. Penultimately,
other critical components like advocacy and education, organizing and alliance (or
networking), and administrative and finance are particularized to ensure
implementation. A peasant campaign, however, cannot progress in isolation with the
other oppositional activities of the larger challenger society. In this respect, the
campaign is designed to converge with and reinforce other sectoral and multi-sectoral
actions and campaigns at the local and national levels.
271

b. Networking
Networking is another building block of organizing collective action. It
constitutes an important step in ground working and engaging other sectors to support
peasant actions. Alliance work is generally planned and follows a detailed tasking as to
who is going to talk to whom. A separate venue is set up for allies in the form of
symposia, forums, and dialogues.
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

210




Like a significant segment of organizing work, the approach to alliance

building is predominantly intended to boost a campaign or mass action, albeit,
organizing and the building of ties are always strictly linked to the peasants’ struggle
for land.
272
The process, however, is self-transforming as through alliance building, a
broad unity is forged at local, national, and international levels. It likewise creates
greater opportunities for sustained political actions.
KMP basically approaches other sectors like the Church, academe, media,
government line agencies, lawyers, small entrepreneurs, students, etc. for tactical and
strategic collaboration. The movement, however, approaches only those organizations,
institutions, forces, and individuals who are not oppositional to its cause. It has a strict
policy of non-affiliation and non-collaboration with political opponents and factions.
As with government agencies, it likewise maintains the position of
disengagement. Individual politicians, however, are approached on a case-to-case basis
and support is solicited from them based on specific issues and campaigns. A tactical
alliance, for example, with politicians and middle forces was appropriate in its
campaign against GMOs (genetically modified organisms) and agro-chemical TNCs
(transnational corporations). Moreover, the movement also forged solidarity with
government employees through their unions in the case of NFA privatization and the
nationwide campaign against land use conversion.
c. Support Organizations
The organization work of KMP, however, could not advance and facilitate the
establishment of mobilizing structures without the existence of other organizations and
a larger social movement for that matter. The multiorganizational fields that the

271
See for example KMP’s Proposed Peasant Campaign (July 1999-December 2000).
272
Insight from Lu Roque, head of International Department.
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society


211




movement engages and disengages with are a critical factor of all organization,
advocacy and education, and mobilization work. Through a range of supportive and
prospective support sectors or organizations, the peasant struggle is augmented and
broadened by other sectoral and multi-sectoral struggles.
Among others, movement continues to enjoy the support of pogressive forces
and organizations of students and youth (e.g., LFS, SCM, and ANAKBAYAN);
professionals like teachers (e.g., ACT); lawyers’ or legal groups (e.g., PILC,
SENTRA); government officials and employees (e.g., COURAGE); workers (e.g.,
KMU); indigenous people’s groups (e.g., CPA, CLAA); fisherfolks (e.g. ,
PAMALAKAYA); women’s organizations (e.g., GABRIELA, AMIHAN); the
churches and other religious congregations (e.g., RMP, UCCP); gender movements
(e.g., PRO GAY); health workers (e.g., CHD); cultural groups (e.g., TEKA MUNA,
The Jerks); human rights groups (e.g., KARAPATAN); overseas contract workers
(e.g., MIGRANTE International, COW); environmental groups (e.g., CEC), multi-
sectoral formations (e.g., BAYAN, ST-AGENDA); research institutions (e.g., IBON
Foundation, Inc.); and a host of other institutions and individuals.
273

The level of interaction between KMP and these organizations is basically
political. Depending on their concerns and objectives, these organizations provide
human resources for KMP’s activities. In mass actions and campaigns, for instance,
they send delegates to participate in rallies and demonstrations and help in the planning

273

LFS stands for the League of Filipino Students, SCM for Student Catholic Movement, ACT for
Alliance of Concerned Teachers, PILC for Public Interest Law Center, SENTRA for Center for Genuine
Agrarian Reform, COURAGE for Confederation for Unity, Recognition, and Advancement of
Government Employees, KMU for May 1 Movement, CPA for Cordillera People’s Alliance, CLAA for
Central Luzon Aeta Association, PAMALAKAYA for National Movement of Fisherfolks, GABRIELA
for National Alliance of Women’s Organizations in the Philippines, AMIHAN for National Federation
of Peasant Women, RMP for Rural Missionaries of the Philippines, UCCP for United Council of
Churches in the Philippines, CHD for Council for Health and Development, KARAPATAN for Alliance
for the Advancement of People’s Rights, COW for Center for Overseas Workers, CEC for Center for
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

212




of activities. They also engage in the exchange of information and experiences through
research and exposure programs. And while some provide moral support, others
supplement the meager resources that KMP has. Moreover, most of the said formations
possess national democratic orientations.
d. Administrative and Finance Work
Another critical factor in the conduct of day-to-day operations of KMP is
administration and finance work. Without the much-needed technical, administrative,
and logistical support, the organization and launching of mass actions and campaigns
could not be carried out. The movement needs around Php80,000 (about S$2,758) to
support its monthly national operations, provide allowances for its staff, and finance
regular publications.
On the other hand, a peasant campaign could cost as much as PhP100,000
(more or less S$3,448) and this activity entails an all-out fund-raising campaign by the
assigned team through solicitations, donations, and contributions from all possible

sources, national and international. In the year 2000, KMP respectively relied on
donations and solicitations, loans, and developmental projects to subsist. More
specifically, another interesting way of mobilizing resources points to the practice of
soliciting pledges from middle forces or supportive individuals. Full-time peasant
activists are sustained through this pledge-system.
274

Loans basically come from network and like-minded NGOs, movements, and
allies while funding for projects are provided by international funding agencies and
non-government institutions like the Church. No local or international funding agency,
however, supports the operations of KMP and funding is strictly project-based. And

Environmental Concerns, ST -AGENDA for Southern Tagalog Alliance for Genuine Development
Alternatives, and BAYAN for New Patriotic Alliance.
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

213




despite the considerable lack of resources, the movement maintains the policy of not
approaching government agencies and other funding institutions adversarial to its
cause to finance its projects.
275

2. Cultural Organization
Aside from organizing itself to pose a collective challenge to political
opponents, an oppositional movement also utilizes organizational means to continually
develop itself as a legitimate expression of demands, goals, and collective identities.

For that matter, the KMP relies on the movement’s emblem, constitution, theme song,
and calls of unity or slogans to enhance organizational unity and identity.
The basic identifying element about the character of KMP as a social
movement is its insignia – the face of a farmer wielding a sickle. At the onset, the
emblem suggests that the movement is a grassroots movement that particularly
represents peasants. The action-oriented or militant dimension could be deduced from
the way the farmer holds the sickle, as if the tool for harvesting pa lay is also a weapon
for defending against or attacking “enemies”. The caricature of the farmer’s face is also
striking. The frowning face is very noticeable and could very well be perceived as a
farmer who is all fired up and ready to fight.
It should also be noted that the KMP insignia is always displayed in every mass
action, major meeting, and in the national and local offices. The “farmer’s face” is
drawn (usually in yellow) on a rectangular shaped red cloth. The red background
signifies militancy and courage. Interestingly, all national democratic organizations use
the same colors and background.

274
This amount is a very conservative estimate of the overall expenses incurred in launching the October
2000 Peasant Campaign. It excludes the counterpart of the administrative and local chapters.
275
Interviews with Lu Roque and Amy A., Vina M., and Rhoda G. (Administration and Finance
Department personnel).
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

214




As a class-based and oppositional movement, a stronger means of enhancing

and/or enforcing organizational and collective unity and identity is through a
constitution.
276
In its Preamble, KMP emphasizes three conditions of the peasants.
First, while they perform a major role in the production of goods in Philippine society
the peasants remain impoverished and do not benefit from their role. Second, they are
exploited and oppressed both by international and domestic forces. Third, the peasantry
as a class is major political force and by relying on its collective power and other social
forces it could put an end to their miserable situation.
The emphasis on class identity is made more explicit under Article III or the
Declaration of Principles. Section 1 states the fundamental principles by which KMP
and member organizations live by – the promotion of democratic economic and
political rights, national independence, ge nuine agrarian reform, self-reliance and
cooperation with other oppressed sectors of society, promotion and initiative of
members, and democratic leadership. The more ideological section is Section 2. It
explicitly states the submission of KMP to the “class and political leadership of the
proletariat and the basic alliance of workers and peasants as the essential foundation of
national unity and struggle”. This implies the commitment of KMP not only to the
aspirations of peasants, but to broader political and ideological aims as well.
The other cementing provisions of the movement’s constitution are as follows.
Article IV (Organizational Principles) enjoins, for instance, all member organizations
and individuals to follow the constitution and all decisions by the KMP leadership.
Article XIII (Disciplinary Actions) that provides for the penalties or organizational
sanctions for erring organizations or individuals and the process of deciding over such

276
The discussions on this section are based on the Amended Constitution of the KMP (Fundamental
By-Laws and Program of Action), Proceedings of the 5
th
Congress of the KMP, 7-9 June 1999, De

Meester Residence, St. Theresa’s College, Quezon City.
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

215




matters complements this provision. Meanwhile, Article VI (Members/Chapters)
clearly delineates as to what kind of organizations comprises the KMP, i.e., peasant or
farmers’ organizations. And to put into effect a democratic relationship between the
national KMP and member organizations, Article V (Rights and Dutie s of Members)
specifically enumerates a range of options by which member organizations could use
to participate or disengage in the political and organizational endeavors of the KMP.
The collective expression of goals and identity of a movement are further
articulated through a “theme song” – the standard mantra of the organization – entitled
Awit ng Magbubukid or “Peasant Song”. While the use of emblem and constitution
could be considered as uniform to most peasant organizations and movements, the use
of a hymn is not. For the KMP, it is an “embodiment of the aspirations and collective
will of peasants to remedy their situation”.
277
The first and last stanza, Chorus I and II
respectively, intend to drumbeat peasant unity, determination, and action. The lyrics
also emphasize the necessity of collaborating with other social sectors especially the
workers. In the third stanza, the lyrics invoke on national independence, only through
which peasants and workers could primarily be liberated. The second and fourth
stanzas depict the miserable life of peasants and the resulting struggles to remedy their
situation.
278


Like many other oppositional movements, the KMP heavily relies on stirring
slogans or motto not only to agitate, but to continually inspire militancy among
activists and leaders as well. They are further claimed to reflect what the peasants

277
This is a synthesis of the interviews with UMALPAS-KA (30 August 2000), SAMBAT (25-27 July
2000), KASAMA-TK (25-27 July 2000), and KMP (10 December 2000) leaders and staff about the
importance of a peasant hymn.
278
Source: “Awit ng Magbubukid”, “Peasant Song”, p. 36, Proceedings of the 1
st
National Congress of
the KMP, 24-26 July 1985, Bagong Barrio, Nueva Ecija.
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

216




really want.
279
For instance, KMP leaders and members alike almost always utter the
catchword “Lupa ay Laya” or “Land is Freedom”.
280
It raises the fundamental issue of
land control or ownership as the starting point of peasant liberation from oppression
and exploitation.
281


The slogans of the movement usually jive with or repeat its organizational
principles. They are likewise coherent with the goal of stimulating collective and class
identity. In its latest congress, KMP embarked on a general call that states: “Peasants
and the People Unite! Oppose intensified land grabbing, imperialist imposition, and
militarization. Fight for genuine land reform! Oust US-Estrada Regime!”
282
The slogan
reflects the practice of linking peasant politics with the national and international
political economy. It also employs the “rhetoric” of labeling past and present
Philippine presidents as US puppets.
Under the general slogan are particular calls or demands that deal with various
issues, which are not necessarily parochial, e.g., the scrapping of CARP, national
industrialization, land conversion, science and technology for the people, the
criminalization of agrarian cases, human rights violation among peasants, fisherfolks,
and indigenous peoples, and the resumption of peace talks between the National
Democratic Front of the Philippines and the Government of the Republic of the
Philippines.
283


279
Interviews with Rafael Mariano (President) and Danilo Ramos (Vice-President) of KMP, 10
December 2000.
280
The catchword “LUPA AY LAYA” (LAND IS FREEDOM) later materialized into a video-
documentary. It was sponsored by the KMP and IBON Foundation and was launched at the Wilfrido
Ma. Guerrero Theatre, Palma Hall, UP Diliman on 15 October 2001.
281
Op. cit.
282

“Peasant Campaign 2000”, Proceedings of the 5
th
National Congress of the KMP, 7-9 June 1999, De
Meester Residence, St. Theresa’s College, Quezon City.
283
Ibid.
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

217




B. Consciousness Building through Advocacy and Education
While organization provides the unifying element for national political actions,
KMP’s advocacy and education work at the national level aims to create and instill a
broader perspective to local peasant struggles and bring these actions into new heights.
As a twin component for uplifting the political consciousness of movement leaders,
members, and sympathizers, it likewise enhances the organization of collective action.
1. Political Advocacy
Political advocacy and education, however, differ according to their designed
objective, scope, and target and method and application. Advocacy crosscuts political
and organizational lines and reaches a wider spectrum of audience – peasants and non-
peasants, members and non-members, organized and unorganized, sympathizers and
allies, and adversaries. It generally aims to propagate the principles and goals of the
movement, provide a diagnosis of peasant problems and prescribe a solution, link local
peasant struggles to other sectoral and multi-sectoral struggles, expose the political
opponents of the peasantry and the larger population, and sweepingly call for
organized action.
In a more specific context, the advocacy component of a particular peasant

campaign would underscore the intensity of the peasant problem, and the
ineffectiveness of government policies, and the amplification of local struggles to the
national level. This peasant discourse, however, undergoes a broader and deeper
process of scaling where peasant problems and struggles are associated with the anti-
feudal, anti-fascist, and the anti-imperialist struggle.
284


284
Interviews with Rafael Mariano and Danilo Ramos (General Secretary and President of KMP).
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

218




A case in point would be the Peasant Campaign 2000.
285
The campaign
generally clamored for the exposure of and opposition to intensified land grabbing
being committed against the farmers under the Estrada regime. It also called upon the
peasantry to strengthen the struggle for a genuine land reform. During the whole
campaign, “KMP ceaselessly highlighted national agrarian issues to describe the
peasants’ problems”.
286

The first central issue, for instance, foc used on what the movement refers to as
‘the scheming maneuvers of government, landlords, capitalists, and other stakeholders
in trying to evade agrarian reform’. Among others, the movement translated into lay

man’s terms key state policies like the corporative farming scheme or the stock
distribution offer, the market-assisted land reform program,
287
the Agriculture and
Fisheries Modernization Act of 1997, the Fisheries Code of 1998 (RA 8850), and the
Mining Act of 1995.
288
Secondly, the movement emphasized the latest craft of land
grabbing and resource deprivation by elaborating on the dynamics of land use
conversion that has now extended to coastal conversions and the eviction of small
fisherfolks in their fishing zones.
KMP and PAMALAKAYA, for instance, propa gate that in Bohol, small
fisherfolks and peasants are already being harassed to give way to the construction of 3
dams in Iwahig, Tanawa, and Inabanga. At present, 2 battalions of soldiers are

285
Notes taken from KMP’s Concept Papers for PEASANT CAMPAIGNS (1998-2000); interviews with
organizers; and personal accounts.
286
Interviews with Jim P. (KMP Public Information Officer).
287
There is no finality yet if government would adopt this program by the World Bank.
288
The movement considers the Mining Act of 1995 or the New Mining Code of 1995 an all out sale of
Philippine lands to foreign mining corporations. It affects at least 5 million hectares of land for mining
that are put on a bargain sale. Another nail in the coffin of CARP, the mining law engenders massive
land grabbing and environmental destruction that would render thousands of communities homeless and
impoverished. A glaring example is the on-going operations of the Green Circle Corporation (owned by
the Newmont Gold Mining Corporation - U.S.) in Aurora. The mining project covers 100,000 hectares
of productive lands in the tri-boundary of Pangasinan, Benguet, and Nueva Vizcaya (AMGL Manifesto

on the Ouster of ERAP, October 2000).
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

219




deployed in the areas. In the coastal areas of Taal, Batangas, Quezon, La Union, and
Cebu big commercial fishing vessels continue to intrude the fishing areas for small
fisherfolks. On the other hand, by virtue of the BIMP-EAGA (Brunei-Indonesia-
Malaysia-Philippines – East Asia Growth Area) program fishing and urban poor
communities are being evicted from the coastal areas of Davao and Samal Island.
289

Landlessness, land grabbing, and ineffective agrarian policies, however, have
been an enduring characteristic of the agrarian structure.
290
To scale up a particular
peasant struggle ignited by land grabbing to a broader political landscape, the
movement links the peasant problems to the persistence of feudal and semi-feudal
exploitation directly caused by land monopoly and landlordism. This condition allows
peasants to do their own social comparison.
The practice is further reinforced by conducting updated studies on the
particular modes of production in the agricultural sector. Political scaling in this stage
becomes more complex as the peasants and other rural sectors experience military
harassment and repression in their encounters with political opponents. Advocacy then
centers on the issue of militarization as part of government’s strategy to quell
challenger societies.
The anti-feudal struggle (e.g., campaign against usury, unjust land rent) is

therefore coupled with the anti-fascist (human right violation) orientation. The
exposure of these pressing issues enabled KMP to highlight other land grabbing and

289
KMP Concept and Assessment Papers on Peasant Campaigns, 1998-2000.
290
Among others, see Wurfel in Ledesma, Makil, and Miralao 1983; Constantino and Constantino 1984;
Ofreneo 1987; de la Cruz 1990, pp. 43 -59, Esguerra 1990, pp. 93-114, Mariano 1990, pp. 117-126, all in
LINANGAN IV 1990; Putzel and Cunnington 1989, pp. 69-73; Hayami et. al. 1990, pp. 70-79; Putzel
1992, pp. 58, 272 -275; IRDF 1994; Riedinger 1995; CPAR Secretariat 1993; PIAF 1998; PPI 1999.
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

220




eviction cases in San Jose del Monte, Bulacan,
291
in the haciendas of San Antonio,
Sandoval, and Sta. Isabel of Isabela (see Inbox 8, next page), Clark Special Economic
Zone, Mexico in Pampanga (see Inbox 9, page 155), and in Central Mindanao
University, Musuan, Bukidnon.
In Isabela, the Anti-Coal Mining Movement (ACMM) was set-up to oppose the
Isabela Electric Service Project (IESP), being undertaken by the Congentrix of Asia
(an American company based in Singapore) and Axis Developers Inc Otherwise
known as the Isabela Coal Mine Mouth Project, the IESP would consume 20,000
hectares or prime agricultural lands, with 15,000 to be used for carbon mining and
another 5,000 for tree planting to supply firewood. To operate for 20 to 25 years, it is
estimated to affect 24 villages in 3 municipalities (12 in Cauayan, 7 in Naguillan, and 5

in Benito, Soliven) which are a home to some 8,000 households or 500,000
individuals. To make things worse, the Land Bank served as notice of foreclosure that
affects more than 1,000 farmers and 3,000 hectares of land in Benito, Soliven,
Isabela.
292

The DAGAMI (Danggayan Dagiti Mannalon ti Isabela) organization, the
provincial KMP chapter in Isabela, represents the struggle of the affected households.
It condemns the collusion between the Estrada government, Department of Energy, the
National Power Corporation, Department of Environment and Natural Resources, and
the Isabela local governments and the foreign capitalists is a clear violation of the
CARP to pursue their selfish interests and perpetrate massive land grabbing. The action
would eventually lead to the cancellation of the certificates of land transfers and land

291
Through their provincial organization, the AMB, 300 farmers of San Jose del Monte fought for their
rights to stay in their farmlands despite the intimidation and eviction efforts of Greggy Araneta and now
Senator Manny Villar through the company they own, the Palmera Company (KMP Case Profiles).
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

221




ownership awards that were given to the farmers of the San Antonio, Sandoval, and
Sta. Isabela haciendas.
293

Meanwhile, the farmers of Mexico, Pampanga are currently confronting the

Sta. Lucia Real Estate (SLRE) over the issue of more than 1,000 hectares of
agricultural lands. According to the AMC, the SLRE in connivance with landlords and
capitalists such as Thomas Dizon, Arturo Panganiban, the Nobleman Corporation,
Pacity Realty, and the Vitug family are grabbing these lands to give way to the
construction of the Beverly Place Commercial Complex. The SM shopping mall is
already in place and a memorial park and a residential subdivision are undergoing
construction. The SLRE is now evicting at least 600 farmers and 500 families residing
in the affected areas of Divisoria, Sebitanan, Masamat, Sabanilla, Panipuan, Bulaon,
and Acli. In this regard, the AMC is currently launching a series of mass campaigns
and protest actions against the widespread land conversion cum land grabbing practices
in the whole of Pampanga
294
.
On the other hand, the agrarian structure and the whole Philippine social system are
perceived to be controlled and manipulated by foreign powers. In its effort to
continually expose imperialist control of the Philippine economy, the movement tried
to consciencitize the peasants and the public on the issue of import liberalization.
Political advocacy emphasized the crippling effects of the policies of IMF-WB and
APEC-WTO on people s’ livelihood and on the agrarian system and the general

292
Jaime Tadeo, “the” former leader of KMP who severed ties with the movement and was expelled by
the KMP National Council is one of the members of the Board of Directors of Land Bank. He was
appointed to the position under the Estrada Regime.
293
KMP Case Profiles, International Fact Finding Mission Data, August 17-28, 2000. For a historical
account, see Grace Tecson in Rural Development Studies , PPI 1992, pp. 1-26.
294
Launching Manifesto of the “Solidarity of Peasants Against Land Use Conversion” – STOP LUC-
Pampanga, 17 April 2000.

KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

222




economy as well. On this note, KMP further advocated for the exclusion of agriculture
from the WTO agreement.
In essence, the advocacy campaign in particular was useful in “highlighting the
importance of a genuine land reform not only to achieve social justice but also to
establish the foundation for national industrialization that will in turn ensure national
economic development”
295
. In support to the national democratic struggle and a larger
oppositional movement, the campaign intensified the continual effort of the movement
to expose and oppose imperialist globalization and the collaboration of the local ruling
class that is being spearheaded by the Estrada regime.
296

Moreover, advocacy work amplifies local struggles, issues and campaigns by
underscoring the national bases of the peasant problem. Local struggles, therefore, gain
a national stature that can bring about political gains in terms of policy reviews or even
shifts and injects adrenaline to local oppositional politics.
To project, amplify, and scale up local and national peasant politics, KMP
utilizes various forms and channels. It is the policy of the movement to use all possible
advocacy channels like the tri-media, Congress, and popular social venues or a
combination of them.
297
The tri-media, composed of the broadcast (radio and TV) and

print media (newspapers) are usually the means to ventilate peasant issues and
concerns at the national level through public interviews and debates, publications,
press conferences, press releases, letters to the editor, news flash, and TRS (trooping
the radio station), phone brigade or radio barrage, and tit-for -tat propaganda.
Working with the media, however, is tricky. The movement is always prone to
the danger of overindulging on tactical issues to acquire media projection and

295
Interviews with Rafael Mariano and Danilo Ramos (General Secretary and President of KMP).
296
Ibid.
297
Interviews with Jim P. (KMP Public Information Officer).
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

223




overlooking the fundamental issue of land in the process. KMP, however, “has learned
from this amorphous practice and the exigent advocacy campaigns against rice cartel,
land use conversion, GATT-WTO, and the land grabbing issue in Hacienda Looc
during the Ramos administration. As a result, the movement since then has unfailingly
linked the advocacy of peasant and non-peasant issues to the struggle for land and rural
development”.
298

Since its founding congress in 1985, KMP has regularly participated in
committee hearings conducted by both the Senate and House of Representatives. This

formal-legal channel not only provides the movement leaders a chance to directly
inform the concerned public officials of the real situation and problems of the peasants
but also enables them to confront government of the negative impact of national
policies on the agrarian structure.
On the other hand, popular social venues pertain to peasant and multi-sectoral
mobilizations, the churches, lawyers’ groups, universities and colleges, seminar houses
and convents, and other social landscapes. In these venues, the most varied forms of
advocacy could be seen – immersion programs, the mass distribution of peasant
literature in the form of leaflets, situationers, primers, and publications, the presence of
a mobile prop team accompanied by posting and painting operations and a noise
barrage, the holding of peasant banquets, photo exhibits, and film showing, and the
demonstration of T-shirts, posters, murals, effigies, streamers, placards, and stickers.
Moreover, the movement is exploring newly adapted means such as media tour or
conducting a fact finding mission with the media, the making of briefing papers, and
the conduct of a people’s mass.

298
Interviews with Rafael Mariano and Danilo Ramos (General Secretary and President of KMP).
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

224




Another critical advocacy tool of KMP is the regular publication of its official
paper LINANG.
299
Published in Filipino, this quarterly publication serves the twin
purpose of advocacy and education. Among other things, it drumbeats for example the

successful peasant struggles in the countryside and the latest government policies that
adversely affect the peasants (e.g. the market-assisted land reform). It also enables the
movement to inform its constituents and members of the latest peasant news and
issues.
Consequently, the paper serves as a tactical device for education in between the
scheduled standard and special courses. LINANG has its English counterpart – The
Philippine Peasant Update – that is also published on a quarterly basis. Both
publications have special editions for special events and activities at the local, national,
and international level (e.g. annual anniversary of CARP, schedule of mass actions and
international activities). And at the last part of each publication, one can find the
cultural corner where poems are posted. These compositions basically depict the plight
and struggle of the toiling classes and rekindle express the hope for liberation.
2. Political Education
On the other hand, education work provides a more formal, focused, and
systematic analysis of the peasant situation and struggle. While KMP’s advocacy is
more associated with organizational expansion work, education is more associated with
consolidation work, albeit they operate simultaneously in everyday expansion and
consolidation work. More importantly, political education can provide the movement
and its members the theoretical and empirical implements to guide them in everyday
political action, strategically heighten their political consciousness, and consequently
strengthen their commitment.

299
Directly translatable as “nurture”.
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

225





To this end, KMP through its administrative chapters (regional and provincial
units) is in the process of establishing various Peasant Schools throughout the country.
The school will serve as a breeding ground for peasant cadres who are trained in
different special lines of work like instruction, advocacy, campaign and mass
movement, para-legal and human rights, mass communication and public speaking,
negotiations, finance, alliance, etc.
While education work is considerably shouldered by the movement’s
administrative units, the national office also renders similar studies and training. It also
designs special educational discussions with support groups, allies, middle forces, or
volunteer exposurists. Political education and training at the national level are,
however, primarily given to national peasant leaders and cadres and staff. (to cut or not
to cut)
Situationers, for instance, are potent educational tools. They keep the
movement abreast with current peasant events. Special publications, like “The Peasant
Situation under the US-Estrada Regime”, are treated as short and less formal courses
and studied to emphasize the class character of peasants and the condition of
landlessness at the local and national level. Rural political economy is then linked to
the existing social system while underscoring the persistence of feudal and semi-feudal
exploitation.
The explication is supported by presenting the latest data on landlessness, land
concentration, land rent, high costs of production, usury, the low cost of agricultural
labor, and market monopoly. It also provides an update on special agricultural groups
such as the settlers or upland dwellers, national minorities or indigenous peoples, small
fisherfolks, and peasant women.
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

226





In turn, the worsening condition of the agrarian structure and the whole
Philippine economy is ultimately attributed to the failure of government policies,
intensified imperialist exploitation and plunder (manifested by the crippling impacts of
economic liberalization through the policies of the IMF-WB, GATT-WTO and APEC),
and the militarization in the countrysides. The study would finally culminate in the
discussions of concrete peasant and multi-sectoral mobilizations and their successful
outcomes to conclude that only by intensifying the struggle for genuine agrarian
reform and national democracy can peasants contribute to solve the century-old
problem on land and injustice.
300

The special updating, however, does not stop here. Studies on the peasant
situation are usually reinforced by other situationers to contextualize the peasant
struggle within a broader political landscape. A national situationer for example keeps
peasant activists apprised of other struggles being launched by other sectors that in turn
reinforce the political determination of the peasant movement. It likewise discusses the
improving or deteriorating social conditions and presents a general assessment of the
national political-economic situation. As such, “national studies broaden the horizon of
peasants and encourage a national outlook on their struggle”.
301

However again, the educational input does not stop here. The local and national
context of the peasant and national democratic struggle are located and elevated to the
international level. An international situationer describes the conditions of the
international system especially under the age of imperialist globalization. It presents a
general analysis as to how the local and national economic and political situation are
influenced or dictated upon by international forces.


300
See for example KMP’s “Peasant Situationer under the US-Estrada Regime (October 2000)”.
301
Insights from Gigi and Albert Custodio (SAMBAT leaders), Prime Guarin an d Linda Cayanan (AMC
leaders), and Rod Tuazon and Loreng Tiongson (AMGL leaders).
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

227




More importantly, this situationer “discusses peasant and other sectoral and multi-
sectoral struggles that are being launched in the different parts of the world and
emphasizes how local, national, and international struggles mutually reinforce one
another. With this information, the spirit of internationalism is continually being
developed”.
302

C. Mobilization
Organization and advocacy and education work are indispensable in initiating
and sustaining KMP’s oppositional politics. The organization of collective political
action sets up the necessary organizational components, mobilizing and connective
structures, and administrative matters before actual mobilization takes place. On the
other hand, advocacy and education work carries out the consciousness-building
process where the movement’s determination and readiness for political action is
developed.
A major political barometer, however, of all organizing and consciencitizing
work and oppositional politics per se is the actual involvement and participation of
peasants in political actions aimed to address their problems. In this respect,

mobilization becomes the object of all organizing and consciencitizing work. It is the
movement means and process where the physical act of advancing the peasants’ cause
and confronting political opponents is seen and felt at different levels. It is likewise an
indicator that an oppositional movement political self-confidence and is becoming
capable of “disturbing” the power centers of society through its collective strength.
303

1. Campaigns, Structures, and Spaces

302
Interviews with Rafael Mariano, Danilo Ramos, and Lu Roque.
303
This is attuned to Scott’s perception of mobilization as the prime source of social sanction or power
of social movements (1990: 6).
KMP: Movement Generation, Activity, and Continuity in Philippine Society

228




In the year 2000, three major campaigns or national mobilizations demonstrated
KMP’s capacity to mobilize an increasing number of peasants and othe r social sectors
to address peasant concerns. “The national activities provided the opportunity of
engaging the working class in peasant and multi-sectoral mobilizations nurturing that
tighter political alliance between peasants and workers”.
304

The simulta neously launched local, national, and international mass actions
also opened new windows for winning the support, sympathy, and direct participation

of the middle classes and forces for the peasants’ cause. As the struggles of KMP are
germane to the struggle of peasants in various parts of the world and vice versa, “the
campaigns were also designed to facilitate a broader and tighter link with foreign
peasant organizations and institutions, gather their support and/or extend KMP support,
and advance the anti-imperialist struggle at the international arena”.
305
Through these
mobilizations, peasants and non-peasants are exposed to actual social comparison that
could instantly create a dialogical discourse. It is also through these activities that local
issues and struggles are physically amplified and brought into the direct attention of
concerned national government agencies.
a. Peasant Campaigns
Separately launched but aggregately planned, each campaign serves as a build-
up and culminating activity for one another. The first case in point was the June 10
Campaign that aimed to project the futility of CARP and denounce its 12
th
year
anniversary.
306
Among others, three build-up activities set the tone of the campaign
during the last half of May and the first week of June 2000.

304
Interviews with Danilo Ramos.
305
Interviews with Lu Roque.
306
KMP Assessment Minutes, June 2000 and interviews with Jim P. (the Public Information Officer).