334
Tahitan
Tahitan
The
Tahltan
(Western
Nahane),
an
Athapaskan-speaking
group,
live
in
the
upper
basin
of
the
Stikine
River
and
in
neighboring
areas
of
northern
British
Columbia.
They
num-
bered
793

in
1978.
See
Nahane
Bibliography
MacLachlan,
Bruce
B.
'Tahltan."
In
Handbook
of
North
American
Indians.
Vol.
6,
Subarctic,
edited
by
June
Helm,
458-468.
Washington,
D.C.:
Smithsonian
Institution.
Tanaina
ETHNONYMS:
Knaiakhotana

Dena'ina,
Tnaina,
Kenaitze,
Kenai,
Orientation
Identification.
The
Tanaina
are
an
Athapaskan-speaking
American
Indian
group
located
in
Alaska.
Tanaina
synonyms
are
variations
of
'Dena'ina"
(people)
or
"Kenaitze."
The
lat-
ter
may

refer
only
to
the
people
of
Kenai
Peninsula,
but
fre-
quently
it
is
extended
to
include
all
Tanaina.
Location.
Tanaina
are
located
in
the
Cook
Inlet
and
adja-
cent
areas

of
southwestern
Alaska
between
590
and
63°
N
and
148°
and
157°
W.
Traditionally
and
today
they
comprise
three
subdivisions,
or
"societies,"
based
on
cultural
similari-
ties
and
on
levels

of
interaction
and
social
interchange
in-
cluding
intermarriage.
The
Kenai
subdivision
occupied
the
southeastern
shore
of
Cook
Inlet
including
the
Kenai
Penin-
sula,
except
for
the
Pacific
Ocean
side.
The

Susitna
subdivi-
sion
encompassed
the
Susitna,
Matanuska,
and
Yentna
river
valleys
including
the
area
now
occupied
by
the
modem
city
of
Anchorage
and
the
northwest
shore
of
Cook
Inlet.
The

Inte-
rior
subdivision
was
northwest of
Cook
Inlet.
Today,
some
Tanaina
are
still
found
on
the
Stony
River,
but
the
Mul-
chatna
villages
have
been
abandoned.
The
Lake
Clark
(Kijik)
population

has
moved
south
to
Sixmile
Lake
(Nondalton).
Iliamna
Lake
has
one
Tanaina
village
(Pedro
Bay).
Only
Tyonek
Villag~e
remains
on
the
northwest
shore
of
Cook
Inlet.
Tanaina
still
reside
on

the
Kenai
Peninsula,
up
the
Susitna,
Matanuska,
and
Yentna
rivers,
and
around
the
city
of
Anchorage.
The
region
is
mountainous
or
hilly
with
many
lakes,
rivers,
and
streams.
Boreal
spruce

forest
with
some
cot-
tonwood
and
birch
stands
on
the
east
shift
to
taiga
at
the
far
western
perimeter.
The
climate
is
mild
in
summer
with
a
dry
early
and

wet
late
period.
Winters
are
cold,
reaching
-20°
F.
Demography.
Exact
population
figures
for
Tanaina
are
es-
pecially
difficult
to
calculate.
According
to
my
estimations,
precontact
Tanaina
must
have
numbered

at
least
four
thou-
sand
to
five
thousand.
After
severe
epidemics
of
the
late
1800s,
the
figure
apparently
dropped
to
about
fifteen
hun-
dred.
Modem
census
figures
do
not
segregate

Tanaina
ethni-
cally,
and
many
villages
are
multiethnic.
A
rough
estimate
would
be
at
least
fifteen
hundred.
Linguistic
Affiliation.
Tanaina
speak
an
Athapaskan
lan-
guage
with
two
dialects:
Upper
Inlet

(Susitna
subdivision)
and
Lower
Inlet.
Lower
Inlet
dialect
is
subdivided
into
Outer
Inlet,
Iliamna,
and
Interior.
Today,
all
except
the
elderly
speak
English,
and
some
young
people
speak
no
Tanaina.

In
recent
years
a
resurgence
of
interest
has
stimulated
its
teach-
ing
again.
History
and
Cultural
Relations
Tanaina
entered
their
current
location,
presumably
from
the
interior,
in
prehistoric
times.
Russians

discovered
Alaska
in
1741,
but
the
Tanaina's
first
European
contact
was
with
Capt.
James
Cook
in
1778.
They
had,
however,
received
a
few
European
goods
earlier
through
trade.
In
spite

of
opposition,
the
Russians
were
able
to
establish
a
post
on
Kodiak
Island
as
the
base
of
their
operations
in
1784
(after
1799,
the
Russian-
American
Company
mercantile
monopoly)
and

from
that
post
managed
to
establish
other
trading
posts.
Some
Tanaina
intermarriage
occurred
with
Russians,
but
most
was
with
Koniag
Eskimos
(from
Kodiak
Island)
and
Aleuts
who
worked
for
the

company.
The
resulting
population
of
Creoles
was
most
often
used
by
the
company
to
trade
with
other
Tanaina
groups.
As
a
result,
cultural
contact
was
not
purely
Russian,
but
was

mediated
through
Eskimo
and
Aleut
cul-
tural
perspectives.
Western
contact
was
less
severe
than
in
other
Alaskan
groups,
and
Tanaina
society
tended
to
flourish
within
its
own
cultural
milieu
as

a
result
of
Russian
trade
inte-
grated
within
the
already
existing
trading
complex.
With
the
sale
of
Alaska
to
the
United
States
in
1867,
the
Russian
trade
monopoly
was
replaced

by
independent
competing
traders,
but
there
was
little
in
the
way
of
U.S.
government
control.
Native
populations
were
neglected
until
well
into
the
twenti-
eth
century.
Local
education
is
available

today
at
least
through
the
eighth
grade,
and
children
may
complete
high
school
at
boarding
schools
or
in
cities
such
as
Anchorage.
A
few
take
advantage
of
university
or
trade

school
training.
Following
the
Alaska
Native
Claims
Settlement
Act
of
1971,
twelve
re-
gional
corporations
were
established
to
represent
natives
throughout
the
state.
The
Kenai
and
Susitna
subdivisions
joined the
Cook

Inlet
Region,
Inc.;
those
near
Iliamna
Lake
affiliated
with
the
Bristol
Bay
Native
Corporation.
Ahtna
ter-
ritory
abuts
the
Tanaina
on
the
east
and
northeast.
Culturally
and
linguistically
similar,
they

share
a
hunting
region
west
of
Talkeetna
along
the
Susitna
River.
Tanaina
feel
a
close
rela-
tion
with
Ahtna
in
part
because
they
believe
they
share
clan
affiliations.
To
the

north
and
northwest
are
the
Kolchan
and
Ingalik.
To
the
east
and
southeast
are
Pacific
Eskimo
groups.
West
of
the
Tanaina
are
the
southwestern
mainland
Eskimos.
Tanaina
settlements
near
Eskimo

and
Athapaskan
groups
were
active
with
them
in
trading
and
intermarriage
as
well
as
raiding.
Tanaina
335
Settlements
Tanaina
villages
were
located
on
or
near
streams
and
rivers
with
salmon

runs.
There
were
usually
at
least
two
lineage
houses
in
a
settlement
and
frequently
ten
or
more.
During
pe-
riods
of
conflict,
a
village
might
be
hidden
in
the
woods

to
guard
against
attack
from
enemies.
A
village
population
ranged
from
around
fifty
to
one
hundred
or
more.
In
spring
and
summer,
people
moved
into
smaller
camps-groups
of
small
nuclear

or
extended
family
houses
or
skin
tents
either
at
a
lake
mouth
or
spread
out
along
a
lake
or
river
shore
to
facili-
tate
salmon
fishing.
In
late
prehistoric
and

historic
times
win-
ter
houses
were
semisubterranean
(up
to
about
three
feet
deep),
lineage-owned
structures.
There
was
one
large
room
about
twenty
feet
square
with
a
central
fireplace.
Each
nu-

clear
family
had
a
small
compartment
for
sleeping,
and
rooms
might
be
attached
as
sweatlodges
or
menstrual
huts.
Summer
houses
at
fish
camps
and
in
hunting
areas
were
small,
wood,

above-ground
houses
or
skin
tents
for
one
or
two
nuclear
families.
During
the
second
half
of
the
nineteenth
century,
houses
began
to
be
constructed
above
ground
in
log-cabin
style,
and

at
summer
fishing
camps
commercial
canvas
tents
were
often
used.
Some
Tanaina,
particularly
those
in
interior
villages,
continue
today
to
move
to
"fish
camp"
in
the
sum-
mer.
Winter
houses

today
are
of
a
small
European
style
and
usually
made
of
milled
lumber
with
wood
floors.
Economy
Subsistence
and
Commercial
Activities.
Tanaina
have
traditionally
been
hunters,
gatherers,
and
fishermen.
Fish,

particularly
salmon,
has
been
the
basis
of
the
subsistence
economy
both
prehistorically
and
today.
The
abundance
of
salmon
during
the
summer
runs
and
fish
preservation
tech-
niques
made
possible
permanent

winter
villages
in
most
areas.
Freshwater
fish
were
also
exploited.
Seal
hunting
was
conducted
both
at
Iliamna
Lake
and
in
Cook
Inlet.
Moose,
caribou,
bear,
and
mountain
sheep
were
important

resources,
but
small
mammals
such
as
porcupine,
squirrel,
and
hares
were
also
significant.
Wild
berries
were
abundant
in
summer,
other
wild
plants
were
gathered
where
available.
Fur-bearing
animals
were
trapped

for
personal
use
and
trade.
These
sub-
sistence
activities
persist
today,
particularly
in
more
remote
villages,
and
many
villagers
maintain
small
vegetable
gardens.
Fish
canneries
opened
after
1880
and
monopolized

the
best
salmon-fishing
streams.
Tanaina
began
to
work
for
salmon
canneries
after
1915
and
became
directly
involved
in
commercial
fishing
in
Bristol
Bay
and
Cook
Inlet
after
1940;
today
many

obtain
a
major
part
of
their
income
from
this
ac-
tivity.
Game
and
fur-bearing
animals
became
more
scarce
from
overhunting,
but
fur
trapping
still
provides
supplemen-
tal
income
for
some,

although
its
importance
has
declined.
A
few
own
small
planes
and
make
commercial
flights
locally;
others
guide
vacationing
hunters
and
fishers,
work
for
gov-
ernment
installations,
or
take
wage
employment

in
larger
towns
and
cities.
The
only
domestic
animal
is
the
dog.
It
was
used
for
packing
and
hunting
in
prehistoric
times.
Teams
of
sled
dogs
were
maintained
until
the

mid-twentieth
century,
and
some
people
still
use
them.
Trade.
Tanaina,
like
other
southern
Alaskan
societies,
maintained
extensive
intra-
and
intertribal
trade
and
trade
fairs
in
precontact
times.
Trade
items
included

furs,
caribou
skins,
native
copper,
porcupine
quills,
sea
mammal
products,
dentalium
shells,
and
slaves.
After
contact,
the
Russians
also
supplied
dentalium
shells
from
southeastern
Alaska
as
well
as
glass
beads,

and
metal
products,
especially
iron.
During
the
first
half
of
the
nineteenth
century,
Tanaina
began
to
trade
some
of
their
furs
to
Russians,
and
trade,
especially
between
the
Kenai
Tanaina

and
the
Russian-American
Company,
in-
creased.
When
Russia
sold
Alaska
to
the
United
States
in
1867,
the
assets
of
the
Russian-American
Company
were
as-
sumed
by
the
Alaska
Commercial
Company.

The
price
of
furs
dropped
considerably
at
the
end
of
the
nineteenth
cen-
tury.
In
1911,
the
Alaska
Commercial
Company
sold
its
in-
terests
in
the
area
to
private
traders.

Since
that
time,
the
fur
trade
has
become
almost
moribund.
Industrial
Arts.
Aboriginally,
stone
flaking
and
grinding
were
the
techniques
for
manufacturing
cutting
and
piercing
weapons.
Hammered
copper
was
also

used
for
arrowheads
and
knives.
Bone
and
antler
were
used
for
tools
as
well.
The.
sinew-backed
bow
and
arrows
and
the
spear
and
spear
thrower
were
the
primary
weapons.
Skins

were
worked
into
clothes
and
foot
gear.
Basketry,
birchbark,
wood,
and
hide
provided
containers.
Birchbark
canoes,
moose-skin
boats,
and
sealskin
open
and
decked-over
boats
similar
to
the
Es-
kimo
umiak

and
kayak
were
used
for
water
transportation.
For
winter
use,
snowshoes
were
made
of
birch
wood,
with
bear-
or
moose-skin
webbing
(babiche).
Sleds
were
manufac-
tured
from
wood
and
rawhide.

Today,
most
goods
are
com-
mercially
made,
but
some
people
continue
to
make
skin
boots,
sleds,
and
snowshoes.
Locally
made
wood
skiffs
have
replaced
earlier
watercraft.
Division
of
Labor.
In

prehistoric
and
historic
times,
men
hunted
large
game,
trapped
and
fished,
and
manufactured
weapons
and
tools.
Women
snared
small
animals,
split
and
dried
fish,
prepared
other
game,
collected
berries
and

plants,
prepared
skins,
manufactured
clothing,
embroidered
with
porcupine
quills,
and
made
some
containers.
Today
men
are
most
active
in
commercial
fishing
from
boats,
and
women
usually
tend
commercial
set
nets

and
work
in
canneries.
At
home,
men
and
sometimes
women
hunt
and
trap.
Women
set
and
tend
subsistence
fish
nets,
as
well
as
split,
dry,
and
smoke
salmon.
Both
sexes

are
involved
in
freshwater
fishing.
Men
continue
to
manufacture
sleds,
boats,
and
snowshoes
and
are
most
active
in
trapping,
although
women
assist
in
the
last.
Men
are
usually
the
pilots

and
sport
hunting/fishing
guides.
Women
sew,
prepare
and
preserve
food,
and
continue
to
act
both
as
midwives
and
village
first
aid
practitioners.
Land
Tenure.
Aboriginally,
land
use
was
based
on

clan-
lineage
affiliation.
In
some
areas,
lineages
had
fishing
rights
at
specific
locales
along
a
stream.
Trap
lines
have
never
been
registered;
a
person
has
the
right
to
trap
or

hunt
in
an
area
he
or
his
family
has
consistently
used.
Except
for
Tyonek,
on
Cook
Inlet,
no
Tanaina
land
has
been
a
reservation.
People
could,
however,
register
a
house

or
homesite
but
few
did
so.
After
the
Alaska
Native
Claims
Settlement
Act,
village
sites
were
established
and
individuals
allowed
to
claim
specific
tracts
of
land
if
they
could
establish

that
they
are
at
least
one-
quarter
Alaskan
native.
336
Tanaina
Kinship
Kin
Groups
and
Descent.
Tanaina
were
organized
into
moieties
and
between
eleven
and
eighteen
matrilineal
exoga-
mous
clans.

Clans
often
cross-cut
societal
and
language
boundaries.
Today,
some
clans
remain
active
during
funeral
potlatches
and
influence
the
selection
of
marriage
partners.
Kinship
Terminology.
Twentieth-century
terminology
probably
reflects
changes
over

the
last
two
hundred
years
of
European
contact
as
well
as
the
geographic
distances
between
groups.
Iliamna
dialect
uses
Iroquois
cousin
terms
and
bifur-
cate
merging
avuncular
(first
ascending
generation)

terms.
The
Inland
dialect
uses
Crow
cousin
and
bifurcate
merging
avuncular
terms;
Upper
Inlet
is
Iroquois
and
bifurcate
collat-
eral;
Outer
Inlet
dialect
is
Hawaiian
cousin
and
mixed
avun-
cular

terms.
Marriage
and
Family
Marriage.
Marriage
was
moiety
and
clan
exogamous
in
the
past
and
to
some
extent
today.
Cross-cousin
marriage,
espe-
cially
of
a
male
to
his
father's
sister's

daughter,
was
preferred,
but
there
was
no
strict
rule
regarding
village
endogamy.
Bride-
price
or
-service
and
polygyny
were
practiced.
Residence
was
matrilocal
in
some
instances,
but
particularly
after
wealth

and
prestige
became
significant,
avunculocality
was
practiced.
After
about
1900,
neolocality
and
bilaterality
with
some
pat-
rilineal
emphasis
began
to
appear.
Divorce
was
simple,
but
apparently
not
common
in
traditional

times.
Domestic
Unit.
By
the
nineteenth
century,
the
residence
unit
was
a
lineage
segment
headed
by
a
'richman"
composed
of
two
or
more
generations
of
matrilineally
related
males
and
their

families.
Today,
the
nuclear
family
predominates.
Inheritance.
Inheritance
was
matrilineal
with
regard
to
af-
filiation
and
clan
property,
but
personal
property
was
often
destroyed
or
placed
in
the
grave.
Recently,

except
for
certain
kinds
of
clan
paraphernalia,
inheritance
has
become
primar-
ily
bilateral
within
the
nuclear
family.
Socialization.
Children
raised
in
the
extended
family
were
socialized
by
the
residence
group,

but
people
were
generally
permissive.
Ridicule
was
a
common
means
of
highlighting
un-
acceptable
behavior.
Sociopolitical
Organization
Social
Organization.
Tanaina
social
organization
was
based
on
ranking,
which
was
most
prominent

in
the
Kenai
subdivision
and
in
other
villages
near
the
coast.
As
one
moved
inland,
rank
became
less
crystallized.
There
were
two
ranks:
richmen
and
commoners;
slaves
were
outside
the

sys-
tem.
Women
seem
always
to
have
held
positions
equal
to
men
of
the
same
rank
and
could
accumulate
wealth
in
their
own
right.
Each
village
was
composed
of
one

or
more
local
lineage
groups
of
clans.
Each
lineage
was
represented
by
a
richman
(highest
ranking
man
of
the
lineage)
who
was
aided
by
a
group
of
male
relatives
of

his
lineage,
usually
residing
avuncu-
locally
either
within
the
lineage
house
or
in
individual
houses
nearby.
The
richman
was
responsible
for
the
economic,
polit-
ical,
and
social
well-being
of
his

lineage.
He
led
trading
expe.
ditions
and
maintained
trade
partners
in
other
Tanaina,
In-
dian,
and
Eskimo
villages.
Trade
partners
not
only
ensured
amicable
trade
but
were
also
used
to

negotiate
peace
between
warring
villages.
After
the
Russian
entry
into
the
fur
trade,
in-
fluential
men,
usually
the
most
prominent
richmen,
were
ap-
pointed
as
"chiefs"
to
act
as
liaisons

between
the
Russians
and
Tanaina
and
to
lead
trading
expeditions
for
the
Russians.
The
added
wealth
that
flowed
to
selected
richmen
enhanced
their
prestige
further.
With
the
fur
price
collapse

of
1897,
the
richmen
lost
the
economic
prestige
base,
and
the
rank
system
became
less
important.
Slavery
was
practiced
in
late
precontact
times,
with
Indian
and
Eskimo
slaves
acquired
through

raiding
or
trading
and
retained
by
richmen.
Political
Organization.
Each
Tanaina
village
was
politi-
cally
autonomous.
Leadership,
which
rested
primarily
within
the
lineage,
involved
authority
rather
than
power.
Richmen
and

elders
held
primary
leadership
and
decision-making
posi-
tions,
but
people
were
generally
free
to
dissent
if
they
wished.
Women
and
men
had
complementary
authority,
but
it
was
re-
lated
to

inherited
wealth,
prestige,
and
rank
rather
than
merely
gender.
Although
autonomous,
each
village
main-
tained
close
ties
with nearby
villages
with
ties
based
on
mar-
riage,
presence
of
the
same
clans,

and
trade.
Social
Control.
The
leading
richmen
of
a
village
acted
as
authorities.
Gossip
was
and
still
is
one
of
the
most
effective
means
of
social
control.
Ostracism,
revenge
killing,

beating,
or
paying
wergild
(compensation)
could
be
used
if
lesser
mea-
sures
failed.
If
harm
occurred
within
a
clan
or
moiety,
it
was
for
the
injured
person
or
a
close

relative
to
seek
revenge.
For
problems
between
clans
or
moieties,
members
of
the
ag-
grieved
kin
unit
took
revenge.
At
times,
this
resulted
in
civil
war;
prisoners
were
ransomed
back

by
their
kin
groups.
Conflict.
Tanaina
conflicts,
primarily
raids,
were
village-
specific
rather
than
with
an
entire
society.
Occasionally
con-
flicts
were
between
Tanaina
villages,
but
most
were
with
neighboring

Eskimo
or
other
Indian
villages.
Thus,
an
alli-
ance
might
exist
between
one
Tanaina
and
one
Eskimo
vil-
lage
at
the
same
time
that
the
Tanaina
village
raided
another
Eskimo

village.
Minor
conflict
occurred
between
Russians
and
Tanaina
during
the
early
years
of
contact,
but
overall
re-
lations
were
comparatively
amicable
because
of
the
economic
advantages
for
both
parties
during

the
fur
trade.
Religion
and
Expressive
Culture
Religious
Beliefs.
The
concept
of
a
remote
supreme
deity
living
in
the
North
Star
may
have
preceded
Russian
contact.
The
world
was
filled

with
spirit
powers.
There
was
a
close
rela-
tionship
between
humans,
animals,
and
the
spirit
realm;
everyone
had
a
familiar
in
which
his
or
her
soul
could
travel.
A
special

alliance
existed
between
humans
and
the
highly
re-
spected
bear;
wolf
was
a
brother
who
would
come
to
the
aid
of
a
person
who
was
lost
and
hungry.
The
world

was
peopled
with
spirits
and
quasi-spirits.
The
trickster,
Raven,
was
the
mythological
creator.
Harmful
spirits
in
the
woods
hurt
or
kidnapped
people
and
stole
fish
and
other
goods.
Other
woods

and
mountain
spirits
were
benign
in
their
relation
to
humans.
Another
category
of
quasi-spirits
have
reportedly
been
sighted
by
Eskimo,
Tanaina,
and
European-Americans
in
recent
years.
One,
called
the
"Hairy

Man,"
is
equivalent
to
the
Sasquatch.
Finally,
the
belief
in
luck
and
hunting
magic
persists
in
attenuated
form.
Offerings
may
be
made
at
special
locales
for
good
luck,
and
magical

songs
sung
to
assist
in
hunting.
Omens
are
believed
to
foretell
the
future,
especially
Tanana
337
potentially
bad
events.
Russian
Orthodox
priests
came
into
the
Kenai
area
in
1794,
but

it
was
another
thirty
years
before
active
missionization
began
in
any
locale.
By
the
end
of
the
nineteenth
century
priests
had
become
accepted
and
actively
attempted
to
wipe
out
shamanism.

Some
former
shamans
in-
corporated
themselves
into
the
church
hierarchy
as
deacons.
Most
Tanaina
today
are
nominally
Russian
Orthodox.
Active
missionization
by
more
fundamentalist
Protestant
groups
began
after
the
turn

of
the
twentieth
century,
and
some
have
become
aligned
with
that
faction.
Religious
Practitioners.
Shamans
were
the
primary
reli-
gious
and
medical
practitioners.
They
often
were
wealthy,
holding
authority
similar

to
richmen.
They
could
be
of
either
sex
and
received
their
calling
in
dreams.
Although
normally
.good,"
assisting
their
people,
they
occasionally
turned
evil.
Ceremonies.
A
first
salmon
ceremony
was

held
at
the
be-
ginning
of
fishing
season.
Girls
at
menarche
were
confined
from
forty
days
to
a
year
during
which
time
they
were
taught
sewing
and
other
women's
skills

and
proper
behavior.
Pot-
latches
were
originally
held
following
a
death,
but
later
were
held
by
richmen
at
trading
and
other
times
as
a
display
of
wealth
to
garner
prestige.

Arts.
Singing
and
dancing
at
potlatches
and
the
singing
of
magical
songs
in
hunting
were
common.
Clothing
was
elabo-
rately
decorated
with
porcupine
quill
embroidery,
sometimes
incorporating
valuable
dentalium
shells.

After
contact,
glass
beads
were
worked
into
long
belts
of
dentalium
shells
for
use
at
potlatches.
Animal
and
human
figures
were
painted
on
such
items
as
skin
quivers.
Some
rock

paintings
may
be
attrib-
uted
to
Tanaina.
Medicine.
The
shaman,
wearing
a
mask,
used
the
spirit
in
a
powerful
doll
to
discern
and
remove
the
cause
of
illness.
His
long

staff
was
also
used
to
assist
in
driving
out
illness.
Illness
might
be
caused
by
soul
loss
or
magical
intrusion
of
objects.
Helper
spirits
located
lost
souls;
intrusive
objects
were

sucked
out.
In
addition,
herbal
medicines,
potions,
teas,
and
plant
compresses
were
used
by
both
shamans
and
lay
people
to
ef-
fect
cures.
Today,
Western
medicine
is
the
primary
recourse

in
illness.
Trained
nurses'
aides
and
midwives
are
found
in
some
villages,
but
serious
illness
requires
travel
to
cities
with
hospitals.
Death
and
Afterlife.
At
death,
the
"breath-soul"
flew
away,

but
the
'shadow-soul"
might
remain
to
be
near
friends
or
to
take
revenge.
Eventually
they
journeyed
to
the
lower
world
where
they
lived
in
a
way
similar
to
that
on

earth.
Be-
fore
Christians
introduced
burial,
the
deceased
was
cremated
and
ashes
were
buried.
At
least
by
early
contact
times,
over
the
grave
a
small
house
might
be
erected
in

which
the
de-
ceased's
personal
goods
were
placed.
Subsequently,
food
of-
ferings
were
left.
Members
of
the
opposite
(father's
or
spouse's)
clan
of
the
deceased
took
care
of
the
funeral

ar-
rangements.
Between
forty
days
and
a
year
following
the
death, a
potlatch
involving
feasting
and
distribution
of
val-
ued
goods
was
given
by
the
deceased's
clan
for
the
opposite
clan

in
appreciation
for
assistance.
At
times,
the
deceased's
spirit
would
return
to
relatives
and
disturb
them,
especially
if
he
or
she
thought
the
potlatch
inadequate.
Although
not
yet
documented
specifically

for
the
Tanaina,
there
is
some
indi-
cation
of
a
belief
in
reincarnation.
Bibliography
Fall,
James
A.
(1981).
"Patterns
of
Upper
Inlet
Tanaina
Leadership,
1741-1918."
Ph.D.
diss.,
University
of
Wis-

consin.
Osgood,
Cornelius
(1937).
The
Ethnography
of
the
Tanaina.
Yale
University
Publications
in
Anthropology,
no.
16.
New
Haven,
Conn.:
Department
of
Anthropology,
Yale
Univer-
sity.
Townsend,
Joan
B.
(1965).
'Ethnohistory

and
Culture
Change
of
the
Iliamna
Tanaina."
Ph.D.
diss.,
University
of
California.
Townsend,
Joan
B.
(1970).
"The
Tanaina
of
Southwestern
Alaska:
An
Historical
Synopsis."
Western
Canadian
Journal
of
Anthropology
2:2-16.

Townsend,
Joan
B.
(1980).
"Ranked
Societies
of
the
Alaskan
Pacific
Rim."
In
Alaskan
Native
Culture
and
History,
edited
by
Y.
Kotani
and
W.
Workman,
123-156.
Senri
Ethnological
Studies,
no.
4.

Osaka,
Japan:
National
Museum
of
Ethno-
logy.
Townsend,
Joan
B.
(1981).
"Tanaina."
In
Handbook
of
North
American
Indians.
Vol.
6,
Subarctic,
edited
by
June
Helm,
623-640.
Washington,
D.C.:
Smithsonian
Institution.

VanStone,
James,
and
Joan
B.
Townsend
(1970).
Kijik:
An
Historic
Tanaina
Settlement.
Fieldiana:
Anthropology,
vol.
59.
Chicago:
Field
Museum
of
Natural
History.
JOAN
B.
TOWNSEND
Tanana
ETHNONYMS:
Gens
des
Buttes,

Tannin-kootchin,
Tenan-
kutchin,
Tennankutchin,
Tennan-tnu-kokhtana
Orientation
Identification.
The
Tanana
are
an
American
Indian
group
located
in
Alaska.
The
name
"Tanana"
is
a
corruption
of
the
Tanana
Athapaskan
term
Ten
Dona'

which
refers
to
the
Tanana
River
valley.
Among
Tanana
Athapaskans
the
term
used
for
the
Tanana
River
proper
is
Tth'eetoo',
meaning
"straight
water."
The
names
cited
in
historical
accounts
re-

flect
the
term
applied
by
neighboring
Gwich'in
("Kutchin")
Athapaskan
groups
of
the
Yukon
River
valley.
The
Tanana
Athapaskans
do
not
refer
to
themselves
by
this
larger
group-
ing,
but
rather

by
the
individual
band
name,
such
as
"Mentekhut'ana"
(people
who
inhabit
the
Minto
Lakes).
Nowadays
"Tanana"
is
a
linguistic
term used
to
refer
to
Atha-
paskan-speaking
people
of
the
middle
Tanana

River
and
should
not
be
confused
with
Koyukon-speaking
Athapaskans
338
Tanana
who
reside
at
the
village
of
Tanana
situated
along
the
middle
Yukon
River.
Location.
At
contact
the
Tanana
occupied

and
used
the
areas
along
the
middle
Tanana
River
between
the
Kantishna
and
Goodpaster
rivers,
the
adjacent
areas
of
the
Tanana
Low-
lands
and
Minto
Flats,
as
well
as
the

surrounding
hills
of
the
Yukon-Tanana
Upland
north
of
the
Tanana
River
and
the
foothills
of
the
Alaska
Range
south
of
the
Tanana
River.
This
area
is
part
of
the
boreal

forest
situated
between
640
and
66°
N
and
144°
and
150°
W
in
central
Alaska.
Currently,
most
Tanana-speaking
Athapaskans
reside
in
the
communities
of
Minto,
Nenana,
and
Fairbanks.
Demography.
In

the
early
1980s
the
Tanana
population
numbered
about
500-600,
residing
primarily
in
the
native
vil-
lages
of
Minto
and
Nenana
and
the
urban
center
of
Fair-
banks.
In
1910,
Tanana

Athapaskans
totaled
about
370
(Minto,
Nenana,
Chena,
and
Salcha).
Linguistic
Affiliation.
The
Tanana
language
is
one
of
twenty-three
Northern
Athapaskan
languages
of
the
Atha-
paskan
family.
At
contact
there
were

three
dialects:
Minto-
Nenana,
Chena,
and
Salcha-Goodpaster.
Nowadays
only
the
Minto-Nenana
dialect
is
spoken.
History
and
Cultural
Relations
Prehistoric
evidence
of
human
occupation
in
the
area
histori-
cally
occupied
by

the
Tanana
extends
as
far
back
as
eleven
thousand
years
ago
at
one
of
the
oldest
radiocarbon-dated
sites
in
North
America.
Elsewhere
in
the
area,
there
have
been
few
archaeological

investigations,
and
little
is
known
of
prehistory
of
the
area
or
the
late
prehistoric
period
that
might
shed
light
on
the
precontact
culture
and
origin
of
the
Tanana.
The
Tanana

language
reflects
contact
with
neigh-
boring
groups
to
the
west,
south,
and
southeast
where
the
Upper
Koyukon,
Upper
Kuskokwim,
and
Tanacross
Atha-
paskan
languages,
respectively,
are
spoken.
Social
contact
with

the
Upper
Koyukon
and
Tanacross
speakers
has
per-
sisted
from
the
late
nineteenth
century
to
the
present
day.
Di-
rect
contact
with
European-Americans
dates
from
the
mid-
1800s,
first
with

the
Russians
who
established
a
network
of
trading
stations
to
the
south
and
west
and
the
English
to
the
north
and
northeast.
Contact
with
Americans
was
later
when,
after
the

1867
purchase
of
Alaska
from
Russia,
com-
mercial
activity
and
exploration
expanded.
Continuous
con-
tact
among
Tanana
and
European-Americans
dates
from
the
1902
discovery
of
gold
in
the
Fairbanks
district

and
the
sub-
sequent
intensification
of
mining
at
the
core
of
the
Tanana
geographical
area.
Trading
posts,
roadhouses,
telegraph
sta-
tions,
and
commercial
centers
were
established
in
the
Tanana
River

valley;
steamboats
plied
the
Tanana
River
bringing
goods
and
nonnative
residents
into
the
area.
Furs
were
traded
and
dried
salmon
and
cordwood
became
products
of
trade
as
dog
teams
and

steamboats
became
central
modes
of
transpor-
tation to
supply
and
service
mining
operations
and
commer-
cial
activity.
Episcopalian
missionaries
established
churches,
schools,
and
medical
facilities
in
the
area
during
the
first

twenty
years
of
the
twentieth
century.
By
the
1950s,
the
Salcha
and
Chena
bands
were
nearly
extinct
and
members
of
the
Nenana,
Wood
River,
Toklat,
and
Minto
bands
became
consolidated

at
the
villages
of
Nenana
and
Minto
along
the
Tanana
River.
This
marked
the
shift
from
a
mobile
hunting
and
gathering
band
population
to
a
semipermanent
village
population.
Hunting,
fishing,

and
gathering
of
local
fish
and
wildlife
resources,
however,
continue
to
play
an
important
role
in
the
village
economies
of
Minto
and
Nenana.
Settlements
Aboriginally
and
in
early
contact
times,

Tanana
Athapaskans
traveled
in
small
bands
or
extended
family
groups
during
the
course
of
the
year
to
harvest
seasonally
available
fish
and
wildlife.
Seasonal
settlements
were
situated
along
salmon-
bearing

streams
and
at
the
mouths
of
major
salmon-spawning
streams
during
summer
and
early
fall.
Some
bands
occupied
fishing
settlements
at
the
outlets
of
large
lakes
to
harvest
from
the
large

migrations
of
whitefish
during
early
summer
and
fall.
During
late
fall
and
spring,
families
moved
and
set
up
seasonal
camps
from
which
they
hunted
caribou
during
their
seasonal
migrations.
During

winter
families
moved
fre-
quently,
hunting
moose
and
trapping
fur
animals.
Some
trav-
eled
to
the
foothills
of
the
Alaska
Range
where
they
hunted
sheep.
The
fishing
stations
were
essentially

semipermanent
villages
where
family
groups
returned
and
the
band
joined
to-
gether
for
ceremonial
and
religious
activities.
Around
1900
there
were
about
eight
semipermanent
villages
of
the
Tanana;
most
were

situated
along
the
Tanana
or
at
the
mouth
of
major
tributary
streams.
Numerous
seasonal
and
temporary
camps
were
dispersed
throughout
the
area
along
lakes
and
smaller
streams
and
in
the

flats
and
foothills.
Band
size
ranged
from
about
fifty
to
one
hundred
persons.
By
1950
the
population
resided
in
two
year-round
villages
as
it
does
today,
with
many
members
also

residing
in
the
urban
center
of
Fair-
banks.
Aboriginal
housing
included
the
use
of
semiper-
manent
log
and
sod
houses
and
caribou-
or
moose-skin
tents.
Throughout
the
twentieth
century,
canvas

tents
and
log
houses
have
been
used
for
shelter
along
with
wood-frame
houses.
Economy
Subsistence
and
Commercial
Activities.
The
Tanana
were
a
hunting,
fishing,
and
gathering
society.
They
hunted
large

and
small
game
of
the
boreal
forest,
including
moose,
caribou,
bear,
sheep,
muskrat,
beaver,
ptarmigan,
hare,
grouse,
porcupine,
and
waterfowl.
Several
species
of
salmon
and
whitefish
were
taken
by
a

variety
of
methods
that
in-
cluded
traps,
fences,
gill
nets,
dip
nets,
and
fish
wheels
for
salmon.
Other
fish
species
taken
included
northern
pike,
bur-
bot,
sheepish,
and
longnose
sucker.

Berries,
edible
plants,
and
wood
were
gathered
for
use.
Nowadays,
nearly
all
of
these
same
fish
and
wildlife
resources
continue
to
be
harvested
for
subsistence.
In
1984,
the
village
of

Minto
had
among
the
largest
per
capita
harvest
of
wild
foods
in
the
state-
1,015
ed-
ible
pounds
per
person.
Since
contact,
fish
and
wildlife
have
been
used
in
trade

with
European-Americans
to
obtain
man-
ufactured
goods.
Furs,
dried
salmon,
and
cordwood
were
used
in
trade
and
for
acquiring
cash.
A
mixed
subsistence-cash
economy
is
characteristic
of
present-day
Tanana
villages.

Trapping,
commercial
salmon
fishing,
and
wage
employment,
although
all
limited,
are
the
primary
means
for
earning
cash.
Tanana
339
Industrial
Arts.
Handicrafts
include
the
manufacture
of
birchbark
baskets,
dog
sleds,

snowshoes,
fur
caps
and
boots,
and
various
articles
of
beadwork
for
sale
and
exchange.
Trade.
Little
is
known
of
aboriginal
trading
practices,
al-
though
an
interregional
trail
network
was
clearly

well
devel-
oped
as
evidenced
in
several
historic
accounts
that
reported
the
presence
of
imported
manufactured
items
in
advance
of
European-Americans
in
central
Alaska.
After
contact,
trad-
ing
trips
were

made
regularly
by
certain
band
members
to
posts
along
the
Yukon
River
and
near
the
mouth
of
the
Cop-
per
River
to
the
south.
A
native
trade
fair
was
held

frequently
at
a
site
near
the
junction
of
the
Tanana
and
Yukon
rivers,
al-
though
its
antiquity
is
uncertain.
Trading
expeditions
de-
clined
in
the
twentieth
century
as
goods
and

products
became
available
at
stations
and
stores
in
the
Tanana
Valley
proper.
Division
of
Labor.
Aboriginally,
men
were
responsible
for
hunting,
providing
firewood,
cooking
food,
and
manufacture
ing
tools,
snowshoe

frames,
boats,
and
canoes.
Women
tanned
skins
from
which
they
made
clothing,
footwear,
and
tents.
They
made
birchbark
utensils
and
collected
water,
edi-
ble
plants,
and
berries.
Women
carried
the

heavy
loads
and
pulled
toboggans
loaded
with
gear
and
equipment.
Women,
then
as
now,
could
and
did
hunt
large
and
small
game.
They
cut
and
dried
fish
and
meat,
although

men
often
assisted
as
they
do
nowadays.
Both
men
and
women
fished.
Now,
tradi-
tional
cooking
of
food,
particularly
for
ceremonial
purposes
and
in
camp
is
done
by
men,
and

European-American-style
cooking
is
done
by
women.
Earlier
in
the
twentieth
century
both
men
and
women
trapped;
however,
this
is
virtually
a
male
activity
nowadays.
Commercial
fishing
is
done
primarily
by

men,
although
women
commonly
assist.
Both
men
and
women
are
involved
in
wage
employment.
Land
Tenure.
Aboriginally,
individuals,
family
groups,
or
bands
did
not
own
property
in
the
Western
legal

sense.
The
use
and
occupancy
of
lands
were guided
by
usufruct
rights
based
upon
kinship
and
group
affiliation.
Band
territory
was
open
to
all
members
of
the
band
for
subsistence
use.

Mem-
bers
of neighboring
bands
asked
permission
to
use
certain
areas.
Trapping
areas
were
used
by
and
associated
with
partic-
ular
families
and
were
handed
down
along
family
lines
from
one

generation
to
the
next
as
they
often
are
today.
The
1906
Alaska
Native
Allotment
Act
was
extinguished
in
1971
by
the
Alaska
Native
Claims
Settlement
Act.
Prior
to
1971
many

natives
applied
for
individual
land
allotments,
although
few
have
received
patent
to
date.
Land
was
granted
to
natives
of
Nenana
and
Minto
in
the
form
of
profit-making
corpora-
tions
by

the
1971
act,
but
these
lands
include
a
relatively
small
proportion
of
the
land
traditionally
used
and
occupied
by
Tanana
Athapaskans.
Kinship
Kin
Groups
and
Descent.
Tanana
society
was
divided

into
exogamous
matrilineal
kin
groups,
or
sibs.
Within
each
band
were
one
or
several
sibs
that
were
associated
with
one
of
two
moieties.
Sibs
and
moieties
regulated
marriages,
partner-
ships,

and
economic
and
ceremonial
exchanges.
They
were
not
land-holding
groups,
nor
did
they
act
as
corporate
groups
in
intraband
affairs.
Remnant
evidence
of
the
sib
system
now-
adays
is
found

primarily
in
ceremonial
and
religious
activities
associated
with
funerals
and
funeral
and
memorial
pot-
latches.
Kinship
Terminology.
Tanana
kinship
is
characterized
by
Iroquois
cousin
terminology
and
bifurcate
collateral
termi-
nology

in
the
first
ascending
generation,
although
there
has
been
a
shift
toward
Hawaiian
cousin
terminology.
Marriage
and
Family
Marriage.
Traditional
marriage
rules
precluded
marriage
within
one's
matrilineage:
cross-cousin
marriages
were

pre-
ferred
and
sib
exogamy
was
the
rule.
Residence
was
generally
matrilocal.
There
was
no
bride-price
or
dowry,
although
the
future
husband
was
expected
to
help
his
parents-in-law
and
provide

them
with
gifts.
Formerly
polygamy
was
practiced.
Di-
vorce
was
not
common.
Nowadays
marriage
is
monogamous
and
avoided
between
first
cousins.
Residence
tends
toward
matrilocality,
and
divorce
is
still
rare.

Domestic
Unit.
Residence
units
were
characteristically
small
extended
families.
Although
nuclear
families
predomi-
nate
today,
extended
family
groups
are
still
common
in
the
residential
unit
and
are
characteristic
of
most

task
groups
for
hunting
and
fishing.
Inheritance.
In
the
past,
among
the
neighboring
Upper
Tanana,
personal
belongings
were
sometimes
given
to
a
close
relative
or
friend
prior
to
death
or

were
supposed
to
be
de-
stroyed
upon
death.
Among
the
Tanana,
valuable
items
and
personal
belongings
now
are
often
given
away
at
the
funeral
potlatch.
Socialization.
Children
were
raised
to

exhibit
humility
and
modesty
in
pursuits
and
accomplishments.
They
had
freedom
in
their
activities,
and
independence
was
valued.
These
ideals
persist.
Formal
education
is
now
mandatory
through
age
six-
teen,

and
most
students
complete
high
school,
although
few
continue
their
education
beyond
the
secondary
level.
Sociopolitical
Organization
Social
Organization.
Leadership
was
provided
by
men
who
held
the
position
of
chief

either
by
ascription
or
achieve-
ment.
Their
status
had
to
be
continually
validated
by
their
ex-
hibiting
qualities
associated
with
chieftainships-wealth,
generosity,
wisdom,
and
hunting
prowess.
In
some
cases
a

wealthy
woman
who
had
exhibited
industriousness
and
skill-
fulness
in
subsistence
activities
could
regulate
activities
in
and
out
of
camp.
Both
men
and
women
had
an
equal
voice
in
community

affairs,
and
influential
individuals
of
both
sexes
in
modem
communities
are
respected
for
their
wisdom,
in-
dustriousness,
and
generosity.
Political
Organization.
Prior
to
contact,
bands,
like
vil-
lages
today,
were

politically
independent
from
others.
Trad-
ing
chiefs
were
prominent
during
the
Russian
period
(c.
1820-1867),
but
they
had
no
power
unless
they
also
exhib-
ited
the
qualities
of
a
traditional

leader.
Similarly,
in
modem
villages
an
elected
chief
of
a
tribal
council
formed
under
the
provisions
of
the
Indian
Reorganization
Act
may
or
may
not
be
a
leader
in
the

traditional
sense.
Traditional
leaders
and
chiefs
continue
to
be
influential
in
community
matters.
Social
Control.
Within
Tanana
society,
social
control
was
a
family
matter,
whereas
leaders
often
negotiated
with
those

340
Tanana
of
other
bands
to
settle
disputes
between
bands.
Social
avoid-
ance
prevented
confrontation
as
did
temporary
emigration
from
the
camp
or
village.
In
some
cases,
emigration
was
forced

through
overt
or
subtle
social
pressure
by
community
or
family
heads.
Although
members
are
subject
to
state
and
federal
laws,
traditional
social
controls
often
sanction
offend-
ing
persons
as
well.

Conflict.
The
Tanana
have
never
entered
into
overt
con-
flict
with
European-American
society.
Rather,
individuals
were
judged
on
their
personal
qualities
and
characteristics.
In
historic
and
modem
times,
Tanana
Athapaskans

have
been
at
the
heart
of
native
efforts
to
bring
about
claims
settle-
ments.
They
have
been
active
leaders
beginning
with
the
first
Tanana
Chiefs
Conference
held
in
1915
and,

since
the
late
1960s,
within
the
nonprofit
native
organization
of
the
same
name,
which
provides
health,
social,
and
advocacy
services
to
natives
of
all
of
interior
Alaska.
Religion
and
Expressive

Culture
Religious
Beliefs.
Aboriginally
and
in
early
historic
times
the
shaman
was
the
central
figure
of
religious
life.
Magico-
religious
practices
included
omens,
charms,
amulets,
songs,
taboos,
and
beliefs
about

the
supernatural.
Beliefs
and
prac-
tices
were
associated
with
certain
animals,
and
many
centered
around
hunting.
Animal
spirits
appear
to
have
predominated
in
Tanana
spiritual
life,
although
an
evil
spirit

was
manifested
in
a
half-man,
half-animal
being.
Spirits
were
influential
in
the
activities
of
the
living
and
in
guiding
the
dead
to
their
final
resting
place.
As
in
other
aspects

of
society,
religious
be-
liefs
and
practices
were
highly
individualized
and
were
a
per-
sonal
matter.
Christian
missionaries
of
the
Episcopal
church
established
churches
and
missions
in
the
area
beginning

in
the
early
1900s.
Several
members
of
Tanana
society,
includ-
ing
one
woman,
have
become
ordained
ministers
of
the
Epis-
copal
church.
Many
traditional
beliefs
persist,
however,
and
are
particularly

evident
in
ritual
behavior
surrounding
death.
Religious
Practitioners.
Medicine
making
was
carried
out
by
shamans,
both
male
and
female,
especially
in
the
cure
of
the
sick.
They
were
integral
in

the
society
at
least
until
the
1930s
and
probably
much
later.
Both
ordained
and
lay
minis-
ters
are
central
in
religious
practices
today.
Ceremonies.
The
most
important
religious
ceremonies
have

been
and
continue
to
be
potlatches,
particularly
the
fu-
neral
and
memorial
types.
Both
the
ceremony
following
the
death
of
an
individual
and
the
potlatch
held
one
or
several
years

later
as
a
memorial
are
central
to
religious,
social,
and
economic
life
in
Tanana
society.
Arts.
Songs
have
been
associated
with
supernatural
power
particularly
surrounding
hunting
activities.
Individuals
often
had

their
own
songs
to
empower
them
in
dealing
with
the
natural
world
and
its
creatures.
Songs
continue
to
be
com-
posed
in
the
native
language
and
English
to
mark
key

events,
as
storytelling
and
as
mourning
songs
sung
at
funeral
and
me-
morial
potlatches
commemorating
deceased
individuals.
Medicine.
Sickness
was
rare
prior
to
the
coming
of
European-Americans.
Both
physical
medical

cures
and
sha-
manism
were
used
to
treat
various
ailments
and
diseases.
Some
herbal
and
traditional
medicines
continue
to
be
used,
and
a
village
health
aide
staffs
a
medical
clinic.

Death
and
Afterlife.
The
native
attitude
toward
death
is
fatalistic,
and
death
is
faced
with
composure.
Although
there
is
no
belief
in
an
afterlife,
appropriate
ritualistic
behavior
by
the
survivors

ensures
that
the
soul
of
the
deceased
will
be
guided
to
the
narrow
trail
that
leads
to
the
afterworld.
The
ac-
tivities
and
behavior
surrounding
the
death
of
an
individual

and
the
funeral
potlatch
are
especially
important
in
this
regard.
Bibliography
Andrews,
Elizabeth
F.
(1975).
"Salcha:
An
Athapaskan
Band
of
the
Tanana
River
and
Its
Culture."
M.A.
thesis,
Uni-
versity

of
Alaska,
Fairbanks.
Andrews,
Elizabeth
F.
(1988).
The
Harvest
of
Fish
and
Wild-
life
for
Subsistence
by
the
Residents
of
Minto,
Alaska.
Alaska
Department
of
Fish
and
Game,
Division
of

Subsistence,
Technical
Paper
no.
137.
Juneau.
Olson,
Wallace
M.
(1968).
"Minto:
Cultural
and
Historical
Influences
on
Group
Identity."
M.A.
thesis,
University
of
Alaska.
Shinkwin,
Anne,
and
Martha
Case
(1984).
Modern

Foragers:
Wild
Resource
Use
in
Nenana
Village,
Alaska.
Alaska
Depart-
ment
of
Fish
and
Game,
Division
of
Subsistece,
Technical
Paper
no.
91.
Juneau.
Toghotthele
Corporation
(1983).
Nenana
Denayee.
Nenana,
Alaska:

Toghotthele
Corporation.
ELIZABETH
F.
ANDREWS
Taos
ETHNONYMS:
Braba,
San
Geronimo
de
Taos,
Tayberon
(early
Spanish),
Vallodolid,
t'
6ynemv
("the
people"
in
Taos)
Orientation
Identification.
Taos
Pueblo
is
located
in
northern

New
Mexico.
The
name
"Taos"
is
an
adaptation
of
taotho,
"in
the
village,"
or
taobo,
"to
or
toward
the
village,"
the
usual
refer-
ences
in
the
Taos
language
to
the

Pueblo.
The
s
was
the
Span-
ish
plural
ending.
The
name
"Taos"
is
invariable
today
in
both
Spanish
and
English.
Location.
The
most
northern
of
the
Rio
Grande
Pueblos,
Taos

is
seventy
miles
north
of
Santa
Fe,
New
Mexico.
The
Pueblo
is
at
the
base
of
Taos
Mountain,
sacred
to
the
Indians
and
one
of
several
prominent
peaks
in
the

Sangre
de
Cristo
(Blood
of
Christ)
mountain
range.
At
an
elevation
of
7,098
feet,
Taos
Pueblo
is
surrounded
by
an
extensive
well-watered
and
agriculturally
productive
plateau
into
which
the
Rio

Grande
has
cut
a
deep
gorge
only
a
few
miles
from
the
Pueblo.
Wild
game
is
abundant
and
the
mountain
stream
and
Taos
341
small
rivers
that
descend
into
the

Rio
Grande
are
well
stocked
with
fish.
Demography.
The
reservation
population
in
1987
was
1,484,
with
a
total
tribal
population
of
1,951.
Those
who
do
not
reside
at
the
Pueblo

live
primarily
in
Santa
Fe
and
Albu-
querque
and
in
Colorado,
with
others
scattered
mainly
in
cit-
ies
in
Arizona
and
California.
Since
World
War
II
the
popula-
tion
has

increased
dramatically,
from
830
in
1942
to
1,457
in
1964
and
nearly
2,000
today.
The
Taos
have
vigorously
op-
posed
intermarriage
with
other
Indian
groups,
although
many
such
marriages
have

occurred
over
the
years.
Nevertheless,
as
of
1972
they
maintained
a
mean
percent
Indian
"blood"
of
95,
which
was
high
even
compared
to
other
conservative
Eastern
Pueblo
groups.
Linguistic
Affiliation.

The
Taos
language
is
one
of
two
Northern
Tiwa
languages;
the
other
is
spoken
at
Picuris
Pueblo
twenty-five
miles
to
the
south
of
Taos.
These
lan-
guages
plus
the
two

Southern
Tiwa
languages
spoken
at
Isleta
and
Sandia
Pueblos
near
Albuquerque
constitute
the
Tiwa
branch
of
the
Kiowa-Tanoan
language
family.
History
and
Cultural
Relations
It
is
believed
that
the
ancestors

of
Taos
and
other
Eastern
Pueblo
groups
moved
into
the
Rio
Grande
area
from
the
north
and
west,
possibly
from
the
Anasazi
region
of
the
Four
Comers
beginning
in
the

1
100s.
The
Taos
creation
myth
sup-
ports
a
migration
from
the
north,
and
it
is
certain
that
they
have
been
in
the
Taos
Valley
since
about
1200,
first
living

at
the
now-ruined
Pot
Creek
Pueblo
and
others
south
of
their
present
location,
and
at
the
current
site
since
1350
where
they
were
encountered
by
the
Coronado
expedition
in
1540.

The
Taos
have
figured
prominently
in
every
attempt
to
expel
foreigners
from
their
territory.
Following
Spanish
settlement
in
1598
resentment
against
the
Europeans
intensified,
culmi-
nating
in
the
Pueblo
Revolt

of
1680
which
was
plotted
from
Taos.
After
U.S.
occupation,
the
Taos
joined
with
the
Mexi-
cans
in
the
1847
revolt.
The
governor,
Charles
Bent,
and
oth-
ers
were
scalped,

and
the
ruins
of
the
old
mission
at
the
Pueblo
testify
to
the
retaliation
by
the
U.S.
Army.
In
1906
Blue
Lake,
twenty
miles
above
the
Pueblo
in
the
mountains,

and
forty-eight
thousand
acres
of
surrounding
aboriginal-use
area
were
incorporated
into
the
Carson
National
Forest.
The
Indians
waged
a
legal
battle
with
the
government
for
the
re-
turn
of
these

lands
to
their
reservation.
In
1971
sovereignty
over
the
Blue
Lake
area
was
restored
to
the
Pueblo,
marking
the
first
time
in
U.S Indian
relations
that
land
was
returned,
rather
than

financial
compensation
paid,
on
the
basis
of
reli-
gious
freedom.
Taos
shares
many
cultural
features
with
the
other
Pueblo
communities
of
New
Mexico
and
Arizona,
and
contact
be-
tween
Taos

and
other
Pueblos
has
been
frequent
if
not
inten-
sive.
Given
their
northern
location
and
easy
access
to
the
Plains,
the
Taos
had
significant
contacts
with
southern
Plains
groups,
notably

the
Comanche
in
the
1700s
and
more
re-
cently
with
the
Kiowa
and
Cheyenne
in
Oklahoma.
In
spite
of
many
Plains
influences-Peyotism,
dress
style,
secular
dances
and
music-Taos
has
remained

distinctly
Puebloid.
Some
customs
that
appear
to
be
Plains-derived
may
actually
have
been
elaborated
in
response
to
ecological
adaptation,
including
the
reliance
on
hunting
and
especially
bison
hunts,
which
fostered

a
major
dependence
on
horses
and
all
the
ma-
terial
culture
that
requires.
As
is
true
of
all
the
Pueblos,
there
is
a
marked
ethnocentrism
at
Taos,
but
this
is

even
more
pro-
nounced
in
terms
of
their
quiet
disdain
for
the
Spanish
and
for
the
White
Americans
who
have
settled
in
increasing
num-
bers
in
Taos
Valley
in
the

twentieth
century,
although
never
on
Indian
land.
Settlements
Taos
Pueblo
itself
is
divided
into
two
massive
adobe
house
blocks
by
the
Rio
Pueblo
de
Taos.
This
small
river,
spanned
by

three-foot-long
bridges,
flows
mainly
from
Blue
Lake,
which
now
symbolizes
not
only
the
native
religion
but
also
the
total
integrity
of
the
culture.
The
north-side
Pueblo
is
five
stories
high,

while
the
south-side
is
four.
As
the
population
increased,
what
had
been
summer
houses
near
the
corn
and
wheat
fields
became
year-round
residences.
Many
people
still
reside
in
the
old

pueblo
apartment
buildings
(109
units
were
occupied
in
1971),
and
they
remain
the
center
of
the
people's
on-reservation
activity.
No
other
Indian
settlements
have
ap-
peared
since
Spanish
contact,
although

Taos
Valley
is
now
dotted
with
many
small
towns
and
communities
inhabited
by
Hispanics
and
White
Americans.
Most
important
are
the
town
of
Taos,
New
Mexico,
3
miles
south
of

the
Pueblo,
which
is
the
hub
for
local
commercial
and
government
activi-
ties,
and
the
community
of
Ranchos
de
Taos
three
miles
far-
ther
south.
Although
there
is
daily
interaction

between
the
Indians
and
their
neighbors,
the
physical,
cultural,
and
psy-
chological
separation
between
the
two
groups
is
profound.
Aboriginally,
coursed
adobe
was
used
to
construct
Taos
Pueblo
and
later

supplemented
by
Hispanic-introduced
sun-
dried
brick.
Most
dwellings
in
the
old
apartment
buildings
have
two
rooms,
one
serving
as
a
kitchen
and
eating
area
and
the
other
for
sleeping
and

socializing.
Government-spon-
sored
housing
projects
have
introduced
other
house
styles
and
building
materials
in
recent
years,
but
all
of
these
units
are
well
out
of
sight
of
the
old
Pueblo.

Electricity
and
running
water
are
not
allowed
in
the
old
Pueblo.
Economy
Subsistence
and
Commercial
Activities.
The
traditional
Taos
were
agriculturalists,
depending
primarily
on
maize,
beans,
and
squash.
Wheat
and

other
European
imports
were
eagerly
adopted,
with
wheat
gaining
some
commercial
impor-
tance
in
the
eighteenth
and
nineteenth
centuries.
Hunting
always
supplemented
agriculture,
with
the
mountains
provid-
ing
deer,
elk,

bear,
turkey,
grouse,
and
squirrel
and
the
pla-
teau
providing
antelope
and
the
plains
bison
in
the
1800s.
Eagle,
hawk,
and
duck
feathers
were
important
in
rituals.
Rabbits
are
still

hunted
on
reservation
land
and
figure
promi-
nently
in
summer
ceremonies.
Many
species
of
wild
plants
were
and
are
gathered
as
well
as
wildflowers
that
are
impor-
tant
in
ceremonies.

Given
the
northern
location
and
altitude,
the
growing
season
was
too
short
for
cotton,
so
the
Taos
re-
lied
on
the
more
southerly
Pueblos
for
woven
goods.
Today,
wage
labor,

revenue
from
tourism,
and
many
forms
of
govem-
ment
assistance
have
largely
replaced
the
traditional
subsist-
ence
base,
with
agriculture
largely
replaced
by
gardening
and
hunting
reduced
mostly
to
a

sport
or
to
obtain
ritual
items.
Pigs
and
chickens
are
raised
by
a
few
households.
Sheep
and
goats
were
never
herded.
The
dog
was
ubiquitous,
but
the
342
Taos
most

important
animal
for
both
practical
and
prestige
pur-
poses
was
the
horse,
which
figures
prominently
in
myth
and
legend
and
is
still
highly
valued.
Although
never
considered
prestigious,
cattle
became

important
enough
for
a
Cattle-
men's
Association
to
be
formed
at
the
Pueblo.
Industrial
Arts.
Since
1600
the
dominant
type
of
pottery
and
today
the
only
type
is
a
utilitarian

ware
of
micaceous
clay.
Taos
manufactures
reflect
their
reliance
on
the
hunt
and
in-
clude
excellent
hard-soles
moccasins,
folded
deerskin
"boots"
worn
by
mature
women,
and
drums.
Buckskin
leggings
and

shirts,
bison
robes,
and
rabbit-skin
blankets
were
important
in
the
past.
The
art
of
weaving
rabbit-skin
blankets
was
re-
vived
by
Taos
women
in
1970,
and
the
establishment
of
a

Pueblo
arts
and
crafts
center,
along
with
the
popularity
of
Indian
crafts
in
general,
has
fostered
the
emergence
of
a
number
of
skilled
craftspeople
and
artists
working
in
a
num-

ber
of
media.
Trade.
Trade
was
never
of
any
great
importance
either
pre-
or
postcontact,
although
trade
from
as
far
away
as
Mexico
(for
parrot
feathers)
did
occur.
Division
of

Labor.
Household
chores,
horticulture,
pot-
tery
making,
the
tending
of
small
domestic
animals,
and
the
annual
remudding
of
houses
were
women's
concerns.
The
men
farmed,
irrigated,
hunted,
raised
livestock,
and

worked
hides.
Men
also
were
more
involved
in
ceremonial
activities
than
were
women.
Land
Tenure.
Theoretically,
land
is
communally
owned,
and
there
are
pastures
and
grazing
lands
on
which
anyone

can
run
their
horses
and
cattle.
Houses,
summer
houses,
and
fields
are
considered
to
be
individual
property
and
are
passed
down
from
one
generation
to
the
next
without
regard
for

the
age
or
sex
ofthe
heir.
As
is
true
of
all
reservations,
the
land
is
legally
held
in
trust
by
the
federal
government.
At
Taos,
land
may
be
sold,
traded,

or
inherited
only
by
and
to
a
tribally
rec-
ognized
Taos
Indian.
Kinship
Kin
Groups
and
Descent.
The
kinship
system
lacks
clans
and
is
bilateral.
Moiety
organization
is
expressed
physically

and
ceremonially,
but
weakly
so.
While
individuals
belong
to
either
the
north-
or
south-side
pueblos
and
there
is
alterna-
tive
ceremonial
jurisdiction
by
north-
and
south-side
kivas,
residence
is
not

so
determined
nor
is
kiva
membership
so
af-
fected.
Kinship
Terminology.
Age
and
sex
are
reflected
in
kin
terms,
with
older
males
accorded
somewhat
more
respect
than
females.
Marriage
and

Family
Marriage.
Marriage
is
monogamous
with
freedom
of
choice
in
the
selection
of
partners.
Little
was
made
of
the
marriage
ceremony,
which
has
been
celebrated
with
the
sacra-
ments
of

the
Catholic
church
since
conversion.
Secular
mar-
riages
and
common-law
unions
have
increased
in
number
in
recent
years.
Postmarital
residence
is
typically
neolocal,
al-
though
the
importance
of
the
bilaterally

extended
family
may
influence
the
couple
to
live
with
one
family
or
the
other
for
the
first
few
years
of
marriage.
Ideally,
this
group
of
kin
re-
mains
a
source

of
continual
security
throughout
life.
Separa-
tion
and
divorce
have
increased,
but
given
the
influence
of
the
Catholic
church
they
are
still
regarded
as
unfortunate
de-
cisions.
Instances
of
intramarital

conflict
resulting
in
such
things
as
child
support
claims,
formerly
taken
to
the
Pueblo
governor
for
resolution,
are
today
more
often
handled
by
U.S.
courts
and
social
control
agencies
outside

the
Pueblo.
Inheritance.
Land,
houses,
and
personal
property
are
be-
queathed
at
will.
Fractionalization
of
the
land
base
has
oc-
curred
with
the
increasing
population
even
though
there
is
no

rule
or
strong
tendency
toward
equal
inheritance
for
offspring
or
others.
Socialization.
Children
are
greatly
valued.
Given
the
strength
of
the
extended
family,
very
few
children
have
ever
been
given

up
for
adoption.
The
importance
of
wage
work
drawing
most
young
adults
of
both
sexes
out
of
the
Pueblo
has
strengthened
the
role
of
grandparents
and
other
older
rel-
atives

in
the
early
socialization
of
many
Taos
infants
and
young
children.
Older
Indians,
particularly
women,
have
often
been
the
primary
socializers
of
even
three
or
four
gene-
rations
of
their

descendants.
This
has
contributed
to
the
per-
petuation
of
the
Taos
language
as well
as
many
other
older
traditions.
Sociopolitical
Organization
Social
Organization.
Knowledge
of
this
aspect
of
Taos
culture
is

somewhat
opaque,
since
this
is
generally
a
subject
about
which
people
have
been
secretive.
There
is
a
very
strong
sense
of
commonality
at
Taos,
expressed
most
often
in
terms
of

community
duties,
which
every
able-bodied
adult
or
legiti-
mate
substitute
from
the
extended
family
must
perform.
Du-
ties
include
secular
work
projects,
such
as
cleaning
irrigation
ditches,
repairing
fences,
and

plastering
the
Catholic
church,
as well as
dance
obligations
and
other
ceremonially
linked
ac-
tivities.
Most
Taos
believe
that
a
weakening
of
commonality
will
ultimately
spell
the
passing
of
Taos
culture.
Many

per-
sons
who
otherwise
deviate
from
Taos
norms,
such
as
refus-
ing
to
participate
in
the
kiva-based
religion,
are
nevertheless
allowed
to
remain
at
the
Pueblo
and
are
considered
in

good
standing
if
they
faithfully
perform
their
community
duties.
Political
Organization.
Secular
government,
partially
Spanish-imposed,
is
closely
entwined
with
the
religious
kiva
organization.
The
top
officials
must
be
kiva-trained
and

cere-
monially
active.
Annually
the
Taos
Pueblo
Council,
com-
posed
of
the
kiva
leaders
and
past
top
secular
officials,
elects
twenty
two
civil
officers.
They
are
divided
into
the
governor,

lieutenant
governor,
and
eight
staff
members,
on
the
one
hand,
who
handle
matters
pertaining
to
the
Pueblo
proper
as
well
as
concerns
with
the
wider
society
off
the
reservation,
and

on
the
other,
the
war
chief,
assistant
war
chief,
and
ten
deputies
who
are
responsible
for
problems
that
arise
outside
the
village
but
generally
on
reservation
land.
Serious
matters
that

affect
everyone,
such
as
the
battle
for
Blue
Lake,
are
usu-
ally
council
concerns.
Social
Control.
Major
deviant
behavior
requires
the
inter-
vention
of
legal
authority,
most
often
the
governor,

or
in
the
rare
cases
of
homicide,
outside-based
agencies,
such
as
the
Bureau
of
Indian
Affairs.
Minor
deviance
is
controlled
in
part
through
gossip
and
other
types
of
informal
sanctions.

Given
the
tight-knit
nature
of
the
Pueblo
community,
very
little
happens
that
does
not
become
common
knowledge
quickly.
Teton
343
Witchcraft
formerly
played
a
more
prominent
role
than
cur-
rently.

Conflict.
Recurrent
factionalism
is
certainly
the
most
ob-
vious
evidence
of
conflict
as
in
nearly
all
the
Pueblos
of
the
Southwest.
Issues
have
ranged
from
the
divisiveness
caused
by
the

introduction
from
Oklahoma
and
establishment
of
Peyotism
(1907)
to
the
rebellion
and
dissatisfaction
of
re-
turning
World
War
II
veterans
(1950s)
to
the
installation
of
electricity
on
parts
of
the

reservation
but
outside
the
old
vil-
lage
(1970s).
Factionalism
is
almost
constant
in
life
at
Taos,
and
it
predates
the
conflict
generated
by
acculturation
to
the
Spanish
and
Anglo
worlds.

It
has
been
argued
that
the
causes
lie
deep
in
the
nature
of
Pueblo
culture.
Religion
and
Expressive
Culture
Religious
Beliefs.
Three
religious
systems
are
active
at
Taos:
the
kiva-based

aboriginal
religion,
Catholicism
to
which
nearly
all
belong
at
least
nominally,
and
Peyotism.
Taos
is
the only
Pueblo
where
the
Peyote
religion
was
ac-
cepted.
Membership
today
is
small.
The
Indians

have
been
most
secretive
concerning
their
kiva
religion,
so
that
a
full
un-
derstanding
remains
impossible.
The
six
active
subterranean
kivas
together
with
their
constituent
societies
are
Big
Earring,
Day,

and
Knife
on
the
north
side,
Water,
Old
Axe,
and
Feather
on
the
south.
Extended
and
rigorous
male
initiation
(six-eighteen
months)
between
the
ages
of
seven
and
ten
cul-
minate

and
are
tribally
validated
at
the
annual
August
pil-
grimage
to
Blue
Lake.
No
non-Taos
in
this
century
have
been
permitted
to
observe
these
rites.
The
ceremonial
round,
with
public

performances
as
integral
parts,
generally
follow
Catho-
lic
ritual
observances
such
as
Saints'
Days,
Christmas,
New
Year's
Day,
and
the
like
and
are
laced
with
aboriginal
ele-
ments.
They
are

paralleled
by
more
or
less
constant
kiva
activ-
ity
about
which
little
has
been
revealed.
There
are
a
host
of
animistic
spirits
including
prominently
Father
Sun,
Mother
Earth,
and
the

cloud
spirits.
Except
for
the
publicly
per-
formed
ceremonials,
the
activities
of
the
kiva
societies
are
poorly
described.
Prayer
sticks,
corn
meal,
pollen,
and
other
standard
Pueblo
ritual
equipment,
often

referred
to
as
"medi-
cine,"
are
used,
but
little
is
known
of
their
true
role
and
signif-
icance.
Religious
Practitioners.
Kiva
priests
conduct
rituals
aimed
at
community
welfare
and
rites

of
intensification
di-
rected
toward
game
animals
and
agriculture.
A
few
men
and
women
are
skilled
in
the
arts
of
individual curing.
Death
and
Afterlife.
A
Catholic
mass
is
held
at

death
with
the
deceased
buried
immediately
following
in
the
open
area
of
the
old
mission
church
destroyed
in
1847.
It
has
served
since
then
as
the
Pueblo
cemetery.
A
four-day

obser-
vance
of
general
inactivity
by
the
deceased's
family
follows
and
closes
with
a
feast
celebrating
the
departure
of
the
dead
person's
soul
to
the
abode
of
the
cloud
spirits

in
the
depths
of
Blue
Lake,
although
some
today
regard
the
Christian
heaven
as
the
final
place
for
departed
souls.
Bibliography
Bodine,
John
J.
(1979).
'Taos
Pueblo."
In
Handbook
of

North
American
Indians.
Vol.
9,
Southwest,
edited
by
Alfonso
Ortiz,
255-267.
Washington,
D.C.:
Smithsonian
Institution.
Fenton,
William
N.
(1957).
Factionalism
at
Taos
Pueblo,
New
Mexico.
U.S.
Bureau
of
American
Ethnology,

Anthropologi-
cal
Paper
no.
56.
Washington,
D.C.
Parsons,
Elsie
Clews
(1936).
Taos
Pueblo.
General
Series
in
Anthropology,
no.
2.
Menasha,
Wis.
Smith,
M.
Estellie
(1967).
Governing
at
Taos
Pueblo.
Eastern

New
Mexico
University
Contributions
in
Anthropology,
2(1).
Portales,
N.
Mex.
JOHN
J.
BODINE
Tenino
The
Tenino
(Melilema,
Warms
Springs
Sahaptin),
including
the
John
Day
(Tukspuch),
Tyigh
(Tygh,
Attayes,
lyich),
and

Waiam
(Wayam,
Wayampam,
Deschutes
Indians),
lived
in
north-central
Oregon
and
south-central
Washington
along
the
Columbia
River
from
the
Deschutes
River
in
the
west
to
the
Umatilla
River
in
the
east.

They
moved
to
the
Yakima
In-
dian
Reservation
in
Washington
and
the
Warm
Springs
In-
dian
Reservation
in
Oregon.
They
spoke
a
Sahaptin
language
of
the
Penutian
phylum.
Bibliography
Murdock,

George
Peter
(1958).
"Social
Organization
of
the
Tenino."
In
Miscellanea
Paul
Rivet
Octogenario
Dicata.
Vol.
1,
299-315.
Mexico,
D.F.:
Editorial
Cultura.
Teton
ETHNosM:
Dakota,
wan,
Western
Sioux
Lakota,
Sioux,
Teton

Sioux,
Titun-
Orientation
Identification.
The
Teton
are
an
American
Indian
group
now
living
predominantly
on
reservations
in
South
Dakota
and
in
Saskatchewan.
The
name
"Teton"
is
a
corruption
of
Titunwan,

which
conventionally
is
glossed
"dwellers
of
the
prairie"
but
which
actually
connotes
the
setting
up
of
camp-
sites.
The
root
ti
gives
rise
to
the
name
of
the
popular
dwelling

tipi.
Teton
designates
seven
subdivisions
of
Lakota-speakers
who
migrated
from
aboriginal
homes
in
the
Great
Lakes
re-
gion
to
the
Northern
Plains.
They
are called
"Oglala,"
"Sicangu"
(or
"Brule"),
"Hunkpapa,"
"Itazipco"

(or
"Sans
344
Teton.
Arcs"),
"Sihasapa"
(or
"Blackfeet
Sioux"),
"Oohenunpa"
(or
"Two
Kettle"),
and
"Mnikowoju."
The
Teton
in
turn
are
one
of
seven
larger
divisions
collectively
known
as
the
"Oceti

Sakowin,"
or
"Seven
Fireplaces,"
all
of
which
lived
originally
in
the
Great
Lakes
region.
The
others
are
known
as
"Mdewakanton,"
"Sisseton,"
"Wahpeton,"
and
"Wahpe-
kute,"
collectively
known
as
"Santee"
and

who
speak
Dakota;
and
the
"Yankton"
and
"Yanktonais,"
who
are
called
"Wiciyela"
and
speak
Nakota,
a
dialect
today
associated
with
the
Assiniboins.
The
only
proper
tribal
designation
for
this
group

is
"Titunwan,"
the
Anglicized
form
"Teton,"
or
the
lin-
guistic
designation,
"Lakota."
All
other
terms
are
misnomers
or
redundant.
Location.
Although
the
Teton's
parent
stock
migrated
from
the
Southeast,
arriving

in
the
region
of
Milles
Lacs,
Minnesota,
in
the
sixteenth
century,
the
term
Teton
and
its
variant
forms,
particularly
the
erroneous
designation
Dakota
(proper
for
the
eastern
division
only),
were

not
identified
until
1640,
after
which
time
migrating
bands
occupied
a
large
swath
of
the
northern
plains
in
what
is
now
North
and
South
Dakota,
parts
of
Montana,
Wyoming,
Colorado,

and
Ne-
braska.
Today,
most
Teton
live
on
reservations
in
South
Da-
kota,
while
others,
mainly
descendants
of
fugitives
of
the
Custer
battle,
fled
to
small
reserves
in
Canada.
A

large
seg-
ment
of
the
population
lives
in
urban
areas
such
as
Chicago,
Denver,
Los
Angeles,
Rapid
City
(South
Dakota),
and
San
Francisco.
Demography.
Early
population
estimates
are
meager
and

largely
unreliable.
In
1825,
however,
the
Brules
were
esti-
mated
at
three
thousand;
the
Oglala
at
fifteen
hundred;
and
the
combined
other
five
at
three
thousand.
These
estimates
are
probably

much
too
low.
The
current
population
is
simi-
larly
difficult
to
estimate
because
of
intermarriage
between
Teton
and
other
Indians
and
non-Indians.
But
based
on
esti-
mates
derived
from
population

figures
for
the
predominantly
Teton
reservations
in
South
Dakota
and
Canada,
a
current
population
of
sixty-five
thousand
seems
reasonable.
Linguistic
Affiliation.
The
Teton
speak
a
dialect
of
a
newly
proposed

subfamily
of
the
Siouan
language
family
called
Shakowinian,
whose
other
two
members
include
Da-
kota
and
Nakota.
Today
Nakota
(or
Nakoda)
is
spoken
al-
most
exclusively
by
the
Assiniboins,
and

most
Yankton
and
Yanktonais
speak
Dakota.
Traces
of
the
Nakota
dialect,
how-
ever,
are
still
found
among
contemporary
Lakota-
and
Dakota-speakers.
History
and
Cultural
Relations
By
the
beginning
of
the

sixteenth
century
the
Teton
and
other
members
of
the
Oceti
Sakowin
had
established
them-
selves
on
the
headwaters
of
the
Mississippi
River,
where
they
lived
in
semisedentary
villages
raising
maize,

squash,
and
beans
and
supplementing
their diets
by
hunting
and
fishing.
They
were
first
encountered
by
Jean
Nicolet,
who
named
them
"Sioux,"
a
French
corruption
of
an
Algonkian
word,
Nadoweshih,
meaning

"snakes"
or
"enemies,"
which,
despite
its
prevalent
use
in
historical
and
anthropological
literature,
is
a
derogatory
term.
After
wars
with
Cree
and
Ojibwa
enemies,
who
by
1750
were
better
armed

through
European
contact,
some
of
the
Oceti
Sakowin
began
migrating
onto
the
prairies
and
plains.
Within
a
generation
they
became
acclimated
to
a
nomadic,
bison-hunting
way
of
life.
By
this

date
they
also
had
obtained
horses
from
the
Arikara
and
other
riverine
tribes
and
soon
be-
came
adapted
to
an
equestrian
way
of
life.
Although
the
term
Lakota
translates
as

"allied"
or
"affili-
ated,"
early
observers
reported
that
when
the
Tetons
were
not
fighting
other
tribes,
they
were
fighting
each
other.
By
1778,
according
to
their
own
hide-painted
calendars
known

as
win-
ter
counts,
they
had
chased
out
almost
all
aboriginal
inhabi-
tants
of
the
Black
Hills
region
except
the
Cheyenne
and
Ara-
paho
and had
taken
over
the
land
as

their
own.
The
Teton
are
also
known
for
various
skirmishes
and
battles
with
the
U.S.
government
during
the
Indian
wars
of
the
1860s
and
1870s.
Most
notable
of
these
was

the
Battle
of
the
Little
Big
Horn,
or
"Custer's
Last
Stand,"
when
on
June
25,
1876,
Custer
and
most
of
the
Seventh
Cavalry
were
anni-
hilated
by
a
combined
force

of
Tetons,
Cheyennes,
and
Arap-
ahos.
Most
infamous
was
the
Wounded
Knee
Massacre
of
December
19,
1890,
where
260
men,
women,
and
children
mainly
of
Big
Foot's
band
were
massacred

by
remnants
of
Custer's
Seventh
and
Ninth
Cavalries
during
the
Ghost
Dance
movement
of
1889-1890.
The
names
of
great
Teton
leaders
include
Red
Cloud,
Crazy
Horse,
Sitting
Bull,
Rain
in

the
Face,
Gall,
American
Horse,
and
Young
Man
Afraid
of
Horse.
Settlements
In
aboriginal
times,
the
Teton
lived
in
tipi
camps
that
fluctu-
ated
according
to
the
seasons.
During
winter,

camps
were
smaller
and
clustered
in
wooded
ravines
where
small
herds
of
bison
and
other
game
were
hunted.
In
summer,
the
bands
joined
for
their
annual
religious
ceremony,
the
Sun

Dance,
and
for
the
communal
bison
hunt.
In
1868,
the
Treaty
of
Fort
Laramie
between
the
Great
Sioux
Nation
and
the
U.S.
gov-
ernment
established
the
boundaries
of
the
Great

Sioux
Res-
ervation
located
primarily
in
South
Dakota.
The
roving
bands
settled
down
to
form
the
nuclei
of
the
present
towns
on
the
reservations.
After
1887,
Indian
land
was
divided

into
indi-
vidual
ownership
and
the
Great
Sioux
Reservation
was
se-
verely
diminished.
Today,
the
Teton
live
predominantly
on
six
reservations:
Pine
Ridge
(the
second
largest
reservation
in
the
United

States),
Rosebud,
Cheyenne
River,
Lower
Brule,
Crow
Creek,
and
Standing
Rock
(the
latter
lying
partly
in
North
Dakota).
Other
Tetons
live
on
small
reserves
in
Sas-
katchewan,
mainly
remnants
of

Sitting
Bull's
band,
who
fled
to
Canada
after
the
Custer
battle.
Over
time,
tipis
gave
way
to
four-walled
tents,
and
then
to
log
cabins
and
frame
houses.
Although
tipis
and

tents
are
still
used
at
ceremonial
events,
most
Tetons
live
in
frame
and
brick
houses
on
the
reser-
vations.
Economy
Subsistence
and
Commercial
Activities.
The
Teton
are
primarily
associated
with

bison
hunting.
In
aboriginal
times,
men,
women,
and
children
stampeded
herds
over
cliffs
where
they
would
be
killed
in
the
fall
and
then
butchered.
Later,
after
the
advent
of
the

horse,
bison
hunting
was
an
equestrian
pursuit,
both
dangerous
and
thrilling.
Most
bison
were
origi-
nally
hunted
with
bows
and
arrows
and
lances,
and
later
with
rifles.
The
entire
bison

was
utilized
for
food,
clothing,
and
shelter.
Additionally,
various
species
of
roots
and
berries,
Teton
345
such
as
pomme
blanche
or
prairie
turnips,
and
chokecherries,
buffalo
berries,
and
sand
cherries

were
dried
and
used
through
the
hard
winters.
Small
game,
deer,
and
elk
were
also
stalked
by
individual
hunters,
and
their
meat
and
hides
were
utilized.
After
the
establishment
of

the
reservations
and
land
al-
lotments,
many
Teton
turned
to
farming
and
ranching,
both
successful
enterprises
until
the
Great
Depression
hit,
when
many
lost
their
source
of
income
and
were

never
able
to
re-
coup.
Since
World
War
I,
many
Teton
landowners
have
made
their
living
by
leasing
their
rich
pastures
to
non-Indian
ranch-
ers.
Others
have
invested
in
individual

enterprises
such
as
service
stations,
grocery
stores,
and
small
appliance
stores,
al-
though
many
of
the
larger
businesses
such
as
supermarkets
are
owned
by
non-Indians.
Arts
and
crafts
provide
a

living
for
a
few
who
continue
to
make
quillwork
and
beadwork.
About
one-third
of
the
work
force
is
employed
by
the
federal
govern-
ment
in
various
agencies
of
the
Bureau

of
Indian
Affairs
and
the
Indian
Health
Service.
An
undisclosed
number
are
wel-
fare
recipients.
Pursuant
to
treaty
stipulations,
all
enrolled
members
of
the
various
Teton
reservations
are
eligible
to

re-
ceive
annuities,
mainly
in
the
form
of
food,
each
month.
Industrial
Arts.
Aboriginal
crafts
include
pictographic
hide
painting
and
ornamentation
with
porcupine
quillwork.
After
the
introduction
of
trade
goods,

Teton
women
were
particularly
known
for
their
elaborate
and
voluminous
bead-
work.
One
of
the
most
outstanding
art
forms
associated
with
Teton
today
are
their
handmade
star
quilts,
originally
learned

while
at
school
and
modeled
after
those
made
by
the
Amish
of
Pennsylvania.
The
star
quilt
is
used
for
all
sorts
of
tradi-
tional
occasions
from
cradle
to
grave,
and

many
of
them
are
in
great
demand
by
trading
posts
and
stores
catering
to
the
South Dakota
tourist
trade.
The
Red
Cloud
Indian
Art
Show,
sponsored
by
the
Holy
Rosary
Mission

at
Pine
Ridge,
is
one
of
the
largest
in
the
country
and
has
produced
a
number
of
out-
standing
Teton
artists.
Trade.
During
the
latter
part
of
the
eighteenth
century,

the
Teton
engaged
in
trade
fairs
with
other
Plains
tribes.
Trade
with
Europeans
began
at
the
turn
of
the
nineteenth
century,
and
for
the
first
quarter
of
that
century
trade

was
mo-
nopolized
by
French
traders
from
St.
Louis.
Many
Teton
bear
French
surnames
today
as
a
result
of
marriages
between
French
traders
and
Teton
women.
Later,
the
Teton
traded

with
the
American
Fur
Company
and
the
Rocky
Mountain
Fur
Company,
and
by
1850
trade
goods
such
as
beads,
blan-
kets,
hair
pipes,
and
metal
axes,
blades,
and
cooking
utensils

dominated
Teton
culture.
Division
of
Labor.
The
harsh
vicissitudes
of
the
plains
re-
quired
cooperation
between
males
and
females.
Although
men
actually
hunted
bison,
women
and
children
accompa-
nied
them

on
the
hunt
to
help
kill
animals
wounded
in
the
chase.
Butchering
was
the
primary
job
of
women,
but
men
as-
sisted
them
when
necessary.
Women
were
responsible
for
col-

lecting
fruits,
berries,
and
tubers,
but
some
fruits
were
col-
lected
by
men.
Making
the
tipi
and
clothing
was
in
the
domain
of
females,
but
men
made
and
decorated
ceremonial

and
war
objects.
After
marriage,
however,
the
tipi
and
its
be-
longings
were
considered
the
property
of
the
woman,
and
hunting
and
war
implements
were
owned
by
men.
Today,
both

men
and
women
share
equal
positions
in
the
business
place
as
well
as in
tribal
politics,
the
judicial
system,
the
In-
dian
Health
Service,
and
the
reservation
school
system.
A
fairly

larger
percentage
of
women
attend
colleges
and
univer-
sities
located
on
and
off
the
reservations.
Land
Tenure.
Being
nomadic,
the
Teton
did
not
have
a
concept
of
land
tenure
until

after
the
Indian
Allotment
Act
of
1887,
when
reservation
lands
were
issued
in
fee
patent.
Kinship
Kin
Groups
and
Descent.
Although
kinship
terminology
suggests
that
the
Teton
earlier
were
organized

into
matrilineal
clans,
once
they
had
migrated
onto
the
plains
their
descent
system
gave
way
to
a
bilateral
form
of
organization.
Some-
what
reminiscent
of
an
earlier
clan
system
is

the
Teton
unit
called
tiyospaye,
a
named
unit
into
which
people
are
born
and
within
which
men
and
women
cannot
intermarry.
Although
age
stratification
exists
among
a
number
of
surrounding

plains
tribes,
the
Teton
do
not
exhibit
such
characteristics.
Kinship
Terminology.
Traditional
kinship
terminology
follows
the
Iroquoian
system.
Marriage
and
Family
Marriage.
Although
there
is
evidence
for
an
earlier
form

of
preferred
cross-cousin
marriage,
once
the
Teton
reached
the
plains
males
and
females
who
did
not
share
a
common
grand.
father
were
eligible
to
marry.
The
ceremony
itself
was
essen-

tially
an
exchange
of
gifts
between
the
parents
of
the
couple.
Frequently,
the
marriage
was
solidified
when
the
groom
gave
horses
to
his
prospective
in-laws,
and
the
female
made
a

tipi
and
moccasins
for
her
intended
husband.
Occasionally,
the
husband
provided
bride-service
for
his
in-laws
for
a
year.
Upon
marriage,
the
parents
of
the
couple
adopted
a
special
relationship
of

co-parenthood.
Polygyny
was
socially
accepta-
ble
but
rare.
Domestic
Unit.
Tiyospayes
were
divided
into
groups
of
ex-
tended
families
called
wicotis,
a
pattern
maintained
today.
Inheritance.
Inheritance
was
irrelevant
to

nomadic
living.
After
the
establishment
of
the
reservation,
however,
inheri-
tance
followed
local
American
law.
Socialization.
Values
were
instilled
in
girls
by
their
moth-
ers
and
grandmothers,
and
in
boys,

by
their
fathers
and
grandfathers.
Ridicule
was
the
strongest
form
of
control,
and
corporal
punishment
was
eschewed.
Sociopolitical
Organization
Social
Organization.
The
Teton
were
divided
into
seven
tiyospayes
prior
to

the
reservation
period:
the
Payabya,
'head
circle";
Tapisleca
"spleen";
Kiyaksa,
'breakers
of
the
rule";
Wajaje,
"Osage";
Itesica
'bad
faces";
Oyuhpe,
'untidy";
and
Wagluhe,
'loafers."
Each
tiyospaye
was
in
turn
divided

into
a
constantly
changing
number
of
wicotis,
themselves
com-
posed
of
extended
monogamous
or
polygynous
families.
The
minimal
social
unit
is
called
tiwahe,
'family."
Political
Organization.
Prior
to
contact,
Teton

wicoti
were
under
the
ad
hoc
leadership
of
a
chief
proficient
in
hunt-
ing
and
warfare.
In
the
summer,
however,
when
the
bands
came
together
for
the
communal
hunt,
the

entire
camp
was
under
the
supervision
of
a
group
of
chiefs
called
wakicunze,
who
determined
when
the
camps
should
move
and
hunts
and
346
Teton
ceremonials
begin.
After
the
reservation

period,
some
of
these
wakicunze
represented
their
tribes
in
treaties
with
the
United
States.
But
it
is
generally
accepted
that
the
position
of
head
chief
never
existed
in
aboriginal
times.

After
the
Indian
Reorganization
Act
of
1934,
the
Teton
reservations
formed
tribal
councils
whose
officers
were
elected
by
ballot
every
two
years.
This
is
the
present
form
of
government.
Social

Control.
During
the
summer
encampments,
van-
ous
sodalities
called
akicita
(soldier
or
marshal)
were
in
charge
of
policing
the
camp
and
ensuring
that
the
bison
hunt
would
not
be
jeopardized

by
overzealous
individuals.
Under
the
authority
of
the
wakicunze,
the
akicita
could
severely
pun-
ish
or
even
kill
offenders.
A
number
of
these
sodalities,
known
by
such
names
as
Strong

Hearts,
Foxes,
Crow-
Owners,
and
Badgers,
also
waged
personal
vendettas
against
tribes
in
retaliation
for
those
lost
in
battle.
Members
were
elected,
and
great
prestige
accrued
to
them.
Conflict.
After

the
establishment
of
the
reservation,
con-
flict
arose
between
several
of
the
Teton
chiefs.
Sitting
Bull
and
Crazy
Horse,
both
heroes
of
the
Custer
battle,
were
as-
sassinated
by
their

own
people
as
a
result
of
jealousy
and
a
ris-
ing
fear
among
Whites
that
they
might
regain
power.
Red
Cloud
was
perhaps
the
most
controversial
in
that
he
advo-

cated
friendly
relations
with
the
United
States
after
earning
the
reputation
of
being
the
only
Indian
to
win
a
war
against
the
U.S.
government.
A
number
of
tiyospayes
engaged
in

ri-
valry
with
each
other,
and
much
factionalism
on
the
Teton
reservations
still
persists
along
earlier
lines
of
social
and
polit-
ical
organization.
Religion
and
Expressive
Culture
Religious
Beliefs.
The

Teton
have
a
subterranean
origin
story
in
which
humans
were
led
to
the
surface
of
the
earth
by
Inktomi,
the
trickster-culture
hero,
who
then
abandoned
them.
The
earth
and
sky

were
formed
after
the
supernaturals
were
sent
there
by
Takuskanskan,
the
prime
mover,
partly
as
punishments
and
rewards
for
social
transgressions.
All
ani-
mate
and
inanimate
objects
are
capable
of

having
a
soul,
and
supernatural
beings
and
objects
are
propitiated
to
maintain
or
restore
harmony
between
good
and
evil.
The
earth
is
called
the
lodge
of
the
wind,
in
which

reside
the
Four
Directions,
the
spirits
of
the
zenith
and
nadir,
and
the
center
of
the
uni-
verse,
each
of
which
maintains
animal
and
bird
guardian
spir-
its
whose
help

may
be
invoked
through
smoking
the
sacred
pipe.
Although
nearly
every
Christian
denomination
is
repre-
sented
on
the
reservations,
most
Tetons
are
only
nominal
Christians
and
still
respect
the
beliefs

of
their
ancestors.
Religious
Practitioners.
Teton
differentiate
between
wa-
piye,
or
people
who
mediate
between
the
common
people
and
supernaturals
through
prayer
and
self-abnegation,
and
pejuta
wicasa/winyan,
medicine
men
and

women
who
cure
by
means
of
prayer
and
herbs.
Many
of
the
men
and
women
became
ac-
tive
in
the
Ghost
Dance
movement
of
1889-1890,
and
still
later
as
lay

catechists
at
mainly
Jesuit
missions.
To
a
much
lesser
extent,
some
Teton
also
conduct
meetings
of
the
Na-
tive
American
church.
Ceremonies.
There
are
seven
major
ceremonies
believed
to
have

been
brought
to
the
Teton
by
the
White
Buffalo
Calf
Woman
in
aboriginal
times:
Sweat
Lodge,
Vision
Quest,
Sun
Dance,
Ghost-Keeping
Ceremony,
Making
of
Relatives,
Girl's
Puberty
Ceremony,
and
Sacred

Ball
Game.
Other
con-
temporary
ceremonies
include
the
pipe
ceremony
and
Yuwipi,
a
modem
curing
ceremony.
Arts.
Music
and
dance
play
an
important
part
in
Teton
performance
arts.
Songs
continue

to
be
composed
in
the
na-
tive
idiom,
and
the
Teton
produce
some
of
the
best
singers
on
the
northern
plains.
Individual
reenactments
of
visions,
such
as
the
Horse
Dance,

are
still
occasionally
performed.
Medicine.
Although
the
Indian
Health
Service
maintains
hospitals
and
clinics
on
Teton
reservations,
Native
wapiye
and
medicine
men
and
women
continue
to
provide
treatment
to
patients

through
the
implementation
of
at
least
eighty
kinds
of
herbal
medicines.
The
sweat
lodge
is
still
used
for
spiritual
and
salutary
purposes.
Death
and
Afterlife.
The
Teton
believe
that
each

individ-
ual
has
four
aspects
of
soul.
The
last
may
be
inhered
in
an-
other
individual
at
birth,
and
thus
this
constitutes
a
reincar-
nation
system.
Some
deceased
are
forever

required
to
be
ghosts.
Twins
are
considered
special
and
are
believed
to
pre-
exist
and
select
the
families
into
which
they
wish
to
be
bom.
The
Milky
Way
is
considered

the
path
of
the
campfires
of
the
deceased
en
route
to
the
Spirit
Village.
In
aboriginal
times,
the
dead
were
buried
mainly
on
scaffolds,
but
since
the
reser-
vation,
Christian

cemeteries
have
been
used.
Funeral
rites
tend
to
be
a
mixture
of
traditional
and
Christian
belief
and
ritual,
and
traditionalists
continue
to
ritually
keep
the
spirit
of
the
deceased
for

one
year,
after
which
it is
released
at
a
me-
morial
feast.
Bibliography
Hyde,
George
E.
(1937).
Red
Cloud's
Folk:
A
History
of
the
Oglala
Sioux
Indians.
Norman:
University
of
Oklahoma

Press.
Hyde,
George
E.
(1961).
Spotted
Tail's
Folk:
A
History
of
the
Brute
Sioux.
Norman:
University
of
Oklahoma
Press.
Powers,
Marla
N.
(1986).
Oglala
Women:
Myth,
Ritual
and
Reality.
Chicago:

University
of
Chicago
Press.
Powers,
William
K.
(1977).
Oglala
Religion.
Lincoln:
Univer-
sity
of
Nebraska
Press.
Powers,
William
K.
(1982). Yuwipi:
Vision
and
Experience
in
Oglala
Ritual.
Lincoln:
University
of
Nebraska

Press.
Vestal,
Stanley
(1957).
Sitting
Bull:
Champion
of
the
Sioux.
2nd
ed.
Norman:
University
of
Oklahoma
Press.
WILLIAM
K.
POWERS
Tewa
Pueblos
347
Tewa
Pueblos
ETHNONYMS:
T'owa,
Teguas
(Spanish),
Tano-Tewa

Orientation
Identification.
The
name
"Tewa"
refers
to
linguistically
re-
lated
American
Indian
peoples
who
live
in
seven
distinct
communities
referred
to
as
'pueblos,"
the
name
applied
to
them
by
the

Spanish
colonists
in
the
late
1500s.
Location.
The
Tewa-speaking
Pueblo
peoples
live,
as
they
have
since
aboriginal
times,
in
the
southwestern
United
States.
Six
Tewa
pueblos
are
located
adjacent
to

the
Rio
Grande
in
central/north-central
New
Mexico
and
one
is
lo-
cated
on
a
mesa
in
northeastern
Arizona.
The
New
Mexico
Tewa
pueblos
are
San
Juan
Pueblo,
Santa
Clara
Pueblo,

San
Ildefonso
Pueblo,
Tesuque
Pueblo,
Pojoaque
Pueblo,
and
Nambe
Pueblo.
The
Arizona
Pueblo,
referred
to
as
Hopi-
Tewa
because
their
culture
is
similar
to
the
Hopi
on
First
Mesa,
is

Hano
at
First
Mesa.
The
Hano
Tewa
lived
in
New
Mexico
until
they
fled
following
the
1696
Pueblo
Revolt
(see
Hopi
and
Hopi-Tewa
for
more
information).
Demography.
In
1988,
the

total
enrolled
membership
of
the
New
Mexico
Tewa
reservation
populations
was
4,546.
In-
dividual
pueblo
enrollments
were
San
Juan
Pueblo,
1,936;
Santa
Clara
Pueblo,
1,253;
San
Ildefonso
Pueblo,
556;
Te-

suque
Pueblo,
329;
Pojoaque
Pueblo,
76;
and
Nambe
Pueblo,
396.
In
1975,
there
were
625
enrolled
Hopi-Tewa
at
Hano.
Most
Tewa
live
on
or
near
their
home
pueblo,
but
others

live
in
urban
areas
throughout
the
United
States.
In
1630,
or
about
ninety
years
after
Spanish
contact,
there
were
about
2,200
Tewa
living
in
the
six
New
Mexico
pueblos.
In

1900
an
estimated
1,200
Tewa
lived
on
these
reservations.
Linguistic
Affiliation.
The
Tewa
language
is
one
of
three
Tanoan
languages;
the
other
two
are
Tiwa
and
Towa.
There
are
dialectical

differences
among
the
seven
Tewa
Pueblos.
History
and
Cultural
Relations
Tewa
culture
shares
many
features
with
other
Southwest
Pueblos
and
derives
from
the
pre-Pueblo
peoples
and
cultures
known
as
Anasazi,

whose
origins
are
found
in
archaeological
sites
at
Mesa
Verde
in
southwestern
Colorado
and
extend
southward
following
the
courses
of
the
upper
Rio
Grande
and
Chama
Rivers
in
New
Mexico

and
the
San
Juan
River
in
Ari-
zona.
In
1598,
the
Spanish
conquistador
Juan
de
Ofiate
es-
tablished
the
Spanish
capital
of
New
Mexico
at
Yungue,
a
Tewa
village
located

across
the
river
from
San
Juan
Pueblo.
The
capital
was
subsequently
moved
to
San
Juan
Pueblo.
From
this
locale,
Ofiate
and
his
men
subjected
the
Tewa
and
other
Pueblo
peoples

to
extraordinarily
harsh
rule
in
an
at-
tempt
to
force
their
conversion
to
Catholicism.
Missions
were
established
in
all
the
pueblos.
The
capital
was
moved
to
Santa
Fe
in
1609

when
Pedro
de
Peralta
replaced
Ofiate.
By
1680,
the
Pueblo
peoples
had
developed
a
plan
to
remove
the
yoke
of
colonial
oppression,
successfully
forcing
the
Spanish
south
of
the
Rio

Grande
in
the
Pueblo
Revolt
of
1680.
In
1692,
Diego
de
Vargas
began
the
reconquest
of
the
Pueblos,
securely
reestablishing
Santa
Fe
as
the
Spanish
capital
in
1694.
In
1696,

a
second
Pueblo
revolt
occurred
but
was
quickly
put
down.
Apache
and
Navajo
raids
for
food
and
cap-
tives,
which
had
increased
during
this
period,
intensified
and
soon
the
Pueblos

were
taking
advantage
of
Spanish
military
assistance.
When
Mexico
gained
independence
from
Spain,
Chris-
tianized
Indians
were
granted
citizenship.
In
1858,
when
the
United
States
acquired
New
Mexico
and
other

Southwestern
regions,
the
Treaty
of
Guadalupe
Hidalgo
promised
citizen-
ship
to
all
Mexican
citizens
of
the
region
who
wished
it,
in-
cluding
the
Pueblos.
In
1912,
it
was
necessary
for

the
Pueblo
of
San
Juan
to
sue
the
U.S.
government
in
order
to
gain
the
status
of
American
Indian
so
that
native
land
and
water
rights
and
religious
and
individual

rights
could
be
protected.
Hispanic
and
Anglo-Americans
had
moved
onto
Pueblo
lands,
and
many
Pueblos
had
lost
their
best
agricultural
areas.
In
1920,
the
United
States
established
the
Pueblo
Lands

Board
to
settle
disputed
claims.
Eventually,
the
Tewa
gained
full
citizenship
status
while
retaining
indigenous
rights
to
land,
water,
and
religious
expression,
which,
however,
have
most
often
been
secured
only

through
litigation
in
federal
courts.
Settlements
At
the
time
of
Oniate's
arrival
at
Yungue,
there
were
unknown
numbers
of
villages
occupied
by
the
Tewa.
In
1630,
Fray
Alonso
de
Benavides

is
reported
to
have
listed
eight
Tewa
pueblos
with
a
total
population
as
high
as
six
thousand.
Today,
hundreds
of
Pueblo
ruins
in
north-central
and
north-
western
New
Mexico
have

been
identified
by
archaeologists
as
ancestral
sites
for
contemporary
Rio
Grande
Pueblos;
at
least
sixty
pueblos
were
abandoned
in
historical
times.
The
number
of
these
that
can
be
directly
tied

to
Tewa
villages
is
uncertain
because
most
of
the
sites
have
not
been
fully
inves-
tigated.
Between
the
arrival
of
the
Spanish
and
up
to
the
early
1900s
population
densities

within
the
pueblos
fluctuated,
with
periods
of
severe
decline
in
numbers
owing
to
diseases
first
introduced
by
the
Spanish,
warfare,
and
total
abandon-
ment
of
villages
as
the
peace-loving
Pueblos

sought
to
escape
the
pressures
brought
on
by
European
expansion.
Population
density
for
the
Tewa
Pueblos
began
to
rise
slowly
in
the
early
1900s
and
showed
a
steady
climb
after

the
Pueblo
Lands
Board
settled
the
land
claims
in
1920.
Between
1950
and
1964,
population
in
all
six
of
the
Tewa
Pueblos
nearly
doubled.
Maternal
and
infant
mortality
rates
were

re-
duced
through
better
health
care.
Improved
nutrition
(largely
due
to
an
increase
in
economic
opportunities)
and
water
and
sewage
systems
also
contributed
to
lower
morbidity
rates.
Today
housing
is

of
several
types.
Some
families
live
in
the
center
of
their
pueblo
in
homes
built
originally
by
their
ances-
tors
as
long
as
350
years ago;
they
retain
their
original
adobe

walls
but
have
been
modernized
with
new
roofs,
windows,
electricity,
and
water
and
sewage
systems.
These
homes
are
built
in
clusters
around
central
plazas
where
ceremonial
activ-
ities
take
place.

Other
people
live
in
homes
built
as
single-
family
dwellings
at
some
distance
from
the
pueblo
center
and
are
made
of
cinder
blocks
covered
with
stucco,
wood,
or
stabi-
lized

adobe.
The
kivas,
or
religious
centers,
are
also
located
near
the
plazas,
as
are
the
tribal
offices
and
Catholic
church.
All
six
New
Mexico
pueblos
have
most
of
the
following,

which
may
be
located
in
the
same
area
on
a
given
reservation:
348
Tewa
Pueblos
arts
and
crafts
store,
senior
citizen
center,
schools,
recreation
center,
library,
and
health
clinic.
Economy

Subsistence
and
Commercial
Activities.
The
Tewa
were
horticulturalists
who
developed
hydraulic
irrigation
to
water
their
principal
crops
of
maize,
beans,
and
squash.
They
also
hunted
deer,
bison,
elk,
rabbit,
birds,

and
other
animals,
and
gathered
berries,
pifion
nuts,
wild
greens,
roots,
and
other
fruits
and
vegetables.
They
made
tea
from
several
herbal
plants.
The
introduction
of
new
crops
and
animals

by
the
Spanish
enlarged
their
farming
activities
to
include
raising
cows,
pigs,
chickens,
chili
and
other
spices,
wheat,
tomatoes,
apples,
pears,
peaches,
and
other
fruits.
Iron
kettles
and
pots
were

readily
accepted
for
cooking,
although
pottery
remained
the
main
form
of
storage
and
eating
vessels
until
the
early
1920s.
In
the
recent
past,
and
still
today,
some
people,
make
and

sell
pottery
as
their
primary
source
of
income;
for
other
people,
making
pottery,
jewelry
and
woven
goods
supplies
supplemental
income.
Today,
most
people
depend
on
wage
labor,
welfare,
or
Social

Security
or
other
pensions
for
their
income.
Industrial
Arts.
Aboriginal
crafts
included
pottery
mak-
ing,
weaving,
and
wood
carving.
Painted
pottery
was
used
for
storage,
cooking,
and
eating,
as
well

as
for
trade
with
other
tribes.
Hides
from
deer,
rabbits,
and
other
game
were
made
into
clothing
and
shoes;
cotton
was
woven
for
clothing.
After
a
period
of
decline
in

pottery
making,
it
was
revived
as
a
com-
mercial
craft
in
the
early
twentieth
century.
Today,
needle-
work,
pottery,
jewelry,
and
woven
garments
(such
as
belts
and
leggings)
are
made

for
sale
or
trade,
ceremonial
or
other
per-
sonal
use,
or
decoration.
Trade.
An
extensive
trade
network
existed
throughout
the
Southwest
prior
to
Spanish
contact.
Items
from
as
far
away

as
California,
central
Mexico,
the
lower
Mississippi
Valley,
the
Great
Plains
to
the
east,
and
the
great
basin
to
the
north
ap-
pear
in
old
Pueblo
ruins.
Salt
was
traded

into
some
pueblos.
Trading
with
people
of
the
plains,
the
great
basin,
and
Mex-
ico
as
well
as
with
non-Indians
continued
to
take
place
well
into
the
twentieth
century.
Basketry

from
the
Apache
and
Papago
are
highly
prized;
feathers,
shells,
and
beads
from
Mexico
are
highly
prized
for
religious
and
decorative
pur-
poses.
Trading
with
other
tribes
continues
today
at

the
Eight
Northern
Indian
Pueblos
Arts
and
Crafts
Show,
the
Santa
Fe
Indian
Market,
and
other
such
events
held
each
year.
Division
of
Labor.
Women
were
responsible
for
building
and

maintaining
the
homes
until
the
mid-1970s.
They
gath-
ered
plants
and
insects,
processed
and
stored
the
harvest,
pre-
pared
the
meals
and
made
pottery.
Men
were
responsible
for
planting,
tending,

and
harvesting
the
crops
and
for
hunting.
They
wove
cotton
for
clothing
and
carved
wooden
utensils
and
ceremonial
objects.
Although
women
were
primarily
re-
sponsible
for
child
care,
it
has

regularly
been
noted
from
the
earliest
accounts
to
the
present
that
men
also
engage
in
child
care
on
a
daily
basis.
Since
World
War
11,
women
and
men
have
sought

employment
in
diverse
occupations,
and
many
have
held
professional
positions,
both
on
and
off
the
reserva-
tions.
Men
hold
most
political
and
religious
offices,
but
both
women
and
men
are

involved
in
community
political
and
reli-
gious
affairs.
Land
Tenure.
Land
belongs
to
the
tribe
but
is
assigned
to
Pueblo
members
on
the
basis
of
need
for
farming
or
housing.

Once
a
piece
of land
has
been
assigned
to
an
individual,
it
may
be
passed
to
offspring
for
their
use
or
traded
to
a
pueblo
member
or
to
the
tribe
in

exchange
for
another
piece
of
land
or other
recompense;
the
tribe
may
reclaim
it
for
reassign-
ment
if
it
goes
unused.
Pueblo
land
cannot
be
sold
to
non-
tribal
members.
Kinship

Kin
Groups
and
Descent.
The
Tewa
of
New
Mexico
reckon
kinship
bilaterally,
while
the
Hopi-Tewa
of
Arizona
are
matrilineal.
The
kinship
grouping
of
the
New
Mexico
Tewa
reflects
their
dual

social
organization,
which
consists
of
nonexogamous
nonunilinear
moieties:
every
Tewa
belongs
to
either
the
Winter
or
Summer
moiety.
These
moieties
are
the
largest
kin
groups
for
the
Tewa;
however,
moieties

are
more
than
kinship
entities
(see
Social
Organization
and
Religion
below).
Hopi-Tewa
society
is
divided
into
exogamous
matri-
lineal
clans.
Kinship
Terminology.
Tewa
kinship
terms
are
mostly
de-
scriptive
and

generational
and
designate
the
precise
relation-
ship
to
a
speaker.
Hopi-Tewa
terms
follow
the
Crow
system.
Marriage
and
Family
Marriage.
Marriage
within
one's
own
moiety
is
preferred
by
many
Tewa,

but
in
any
case
a
spouse
may
not
be
closer
than
a
fourth
cousin.
The
marriage
ceremony
usually
includes
a
native
ritual
as
well
as
a
church
or
other
nonnative

ritual
(such
as
marriage
by
a
justice
of
the
peace).
Marriage
is
mo-
nogamous
and
sexual
fidelity
is
expected,
although
divorce
and
infidelity
have
been
known
since
the
time
of

first
contact.
There
is
no
official
postmarital
residence
rule,
but
in
some
families
pressure
is
put
on
the
couple
to
spend
the
first
year
of
marriage
in
the
home
of

the
husband's
mother
before
estab-
lishing
a
neolocal
residence.
Domestic
Unit.
Small
extended
families
have
been
the
predominant
household
composition
until
recently.
Since
the
late
1970s
increased
numbers
of
single-family

housing
units
on
most
Tewa
reservations
have
resulted
in
younger
families
establishing
homes
away
from
their
parents'
house.
Economic
conditions
for
some
families
lead
to
maintenance
of
a
three-generation
household,

with
many
older
Tewa
pre-
ferring
such
an
arrangement.
Inheritance.
Inheritance,
like
kinship
reckoning,
is
bilat-
eral
with
a
preference
for
dividing
property
equitably
among
all
offspring.
Lands
left
intestate

(that
is,
without
a
written
or
verbal
statement
or
will
having
been
left
by
the
person
to
whom
it
was
assigned)
may
be
recovered
by
the
tribe,
but
usu-
ally

will
be
divided
among
the
children
by
a
tribal
official.
Per-
sonal
property
may
be
divided
among
relatives
and
friends
following
the
funeral
of
a
deceased
person
or
it
may

accom-
pany
the
deceased
to
the
grave.
Traditionally,
daughters
in-
herited
their
mother's
house,
but
this
has
changed
in
recent
years
on
some
reservations.
Socialization.
Socialization
takes
place
well
into

the
mid-
dle
years.
From
birth
to
middle
age,
specific
rituals
move
indi-
viduals
through
various
states
of
being
and
becoming
Tewa.
Children
are
raised
relatively
permissively
until
about
age

six.
Tewa
Pueblos
349
By
age
ten
girls
and
boys
have
been
separated
into
two
groups
for
instruction
in
the
kivas
for
fulfilling
their
responsibilities
as
women
and
men
in

their
pueblo.
Children
of
Catholic
families
also
send
their
children
to
the
church
for
instruction
and
preparation
for
First
Communion.
Today,
families
also
place
great
emphasis
on
education
for
their

children
and
may
begin
sending
them
to
school
in
the
Head
Start
program
as
early
as
age
four.
Tribal
encouragement
for
higher
education
in
public
or
private
colleges
is
noted

in
educational
grants
and
subsidies
available
through
the
Eight
Northern
Indian
Pueblos
Council.
Both
women
and
men
are
responsible
for
child-rearing
activities,
including
nurturing
and
protecting
them,
as
are
all

adults
residing
in
the
community.
Sociopolitical
Organization
Social
Organization.
Tewa
social
organization
is
centered
around
two
nonexogamous
nonunilinear
complementary
moieties:
Winter
and
Summer.
People
become
members
of
ei-
ther
one

through
a
series
of
rituals
that
take
place
from
birth
to
their
early
twenties.
Tewa
place
high
value
on
equality
and
humility.
There
are,
however,
differential
statuses
accorded
individuals
on

the
basis
of
their
degree
of
ascension,
through
ritual,
and
placement
within
the
life
and
spiritual
hierarchies.
Equality
between
the
sexes
is
expressed
through
the
comple-
mentarity
of
women's
and

men's
roles
and
responsibilities:
women
are
responsible
for
the
homes
and
the
inner
portions
of
the
pueblo;
men
are
responsible
for
the
fields
and
the
outer
portions.
Men
are
also

responsible
for
village
decision
mak-
ing,
although
women
participate,
too.
Political
Organization.
Since
aboriginal
times,
the
core
Tewa
governmental
structure
has
been
a
theocracy,
with
po-
litical
and
sacred
authority

vested
in
the
heads
of
the
two
moieties
and
the
religious
sodalities.
In
the
early
1600s,
the
Spanish
instituted
a
secular
political
structure
consisting
of
the
following
officers
who
are

selected
by
the
tribal
council
on
advice
from
sodality
and
moiety
heads
in
all
but
Santa
Clara
and
Pojoaque
Pueblos:
governor,
first
lieutenant
governor,
second
lieutenant
governor,
war
chief,
assistant

war
chief,
sheriff,
and
fiscales.
These
officers
are
responsible
for daily
management
of
tribal
affairs,
as
well
as
for
special
community
events.
Santa
Clara
Pueblo
has
a
constitutional
government
with
public

officers
elected
by
adult
enrolled
members.
Most
Tewa
reservations
also
have
tribal
managers
who
are
responsi-
ble
for
programmatic
and
economic
maintenance
and
devel-
opment
on
their
reservations.
The
six

New
Mexico
Tewa
pueblos
are
part
of
the
Eight
Northern
Indian
Pueblos
Coun-
cil,
a
sociopolitical
organization
that
facilitates
sharing
of
economic,
political,
educational,
and
development
resources
among
the
Pueblos.

Social
Control.
Social
control
is
exercised
through
gossip,
teasing,
mockery
by
clowns
and
abuelos
at
public
ceremonial
events,
and
formal
visits
by
officials
to
homes
of
individuals
who
seriously
violate

social
norms.
Crimes
against
property
or
individuals
are
adjudicated
in
tribal
or
local
courts,
depend-
ing
on
the
nature
of
the
crime.
Serious
crimes,
such
as
homi-
cide,
are
tried

in
a
federal
court.
Accusations
of
witchcraft
(rare
today)
may
be
handled
by
the
medicine
man
or
through
the
tribal
court.
Conflict.
The
Tewa
have
a
reputation
for
nonviolence
and

peaceful
settlement
of
disputes.
In
aboriginal
times
and
until
the
U.S.
government
designated
the
Tewa
pueblos
to
be
lim-
ited
and
bounded
reservations,
internal
conflict
that
resulted
in
fissioning
could

be
resolved
by
a
group
leaving
their
natal
Pueblo
and
establishing
a
new
one
elsewhere.
Movement
of
a
whole
community
to
a
new
locale
could
also
follow
severe
ex-
ternally

induced
conflict
(for
example,
the
Hopi-Tewa
of
Ari-
zona;
see
Location
above).
Overall,
most
Tewa
abhor
conflict
and
will
avoid
it
at
all
cost,
although
in
recent
years,
domestic
and

other
forms
of
interpersonal
violence
seem
to
have
in-
creased.
Internal
conflict
is
usually
arbitrated
or
adjudicated
by
the
tribal
council
or
tribal
court.
Conflict
with
outsiders
is
generally
resolved

through
the
local
court
systems,
but
some
cases
have
gone
as
far
as
the
U.S.
Supreme
Court
for
settle-
ment.
Religion
and
Expressive
Culture
Religious
Beliefs.
Religion
is
the
pervading

aspect
of
Pueblo
life;
it
encompasses
mythology,
cosmology,
philoso-
phy,
and
worldview
for
the
Tewa.
It
is
the
life-way
through
which
people
aspire
to
live.
It
is
also
one
of

the
most
sensitive
areas
of
Tewa
life,
with
only
the
religious
sodality
leaders
in
each
pueblo
knowing
details
of
their
respective
systems
of
be-
lief.
Some
aspects
of
religious
beliefs

that
have
come
to
be
known
outside
of
the
sodality
environments
involve
attribu-
tion
of
the
sacred
to,
and
respect
and
reverence
for,
the
earth
(from
which
all
people
come

and
to
which
all
people
return),
the
mountains
(where
dwell
the
spirits
of
the
Towa'e,
or
founding
brothers
of
the
Tewa),
the
hills,
water,
and
certain
animals,
birds,
and
plants.

Polytheism
is
present
in
the
form
of
belief
in
a
range
of
supernatural
spiritual
forces
and
enti-
ties;
because
of
this,
Catholicism
over
the
past
two
hundred
years
or so
has

come
to
fit
easily
within
the
native
religious
framework.
Religious
Practitioners.
The
principal
religious
practi-
tioners
are
the
Winter
and
Summer
moiety
heads
and
the
so-
dality
heads,
as
established

by
the
Tewa
origin
story.
The
so-
dalities
are
referred
to
in
English
as
the
Hunt
Society,
the
Medicine
Society,
the
Clown
Society,
the
Scalp
Society,
and
the
Women's
Society.

Ceremonies.
Ritual
ceremonies
are
performed
following
a
calendrical
cycle.
Some
rituals
are
specifically
associated
with
subsistence,
and
others
are
concerned
with
individual
and
community
developmental
cycles.
Each
ritual
is
the

responsi-
bility
of
a
particular
sodality
head,
and
most
are
not
public.
Rituals
that
are
public
and
may
be
viewed
by
outsiders
are
held
in
the
pueblo
plazas.
A
list

of
dates
for
such
ceremonies
is
published
each
year
by
the
Eight
Northern
Indian
Pueblos
Council,
located
at
San
Juan
Pueblo.
Arts.
Tewa
art
includes
highly
prized
black-on-black
pot-
tery

made
by
artists
at
Santa
Clara
and
San
Ildefonso
Pueblos
and
red
pottery
made
at
San
Juan
and
Santa
Clara
pueblos,
silverwork,
silver
and
turquoise
jewelry,
paintings,
sculpture,
and
fabric

art
made
by
artists
at
all
the
pueblos.
Ceremonial
songs,
dances,
and
clothing
are
attended
to
with
great
aes-
thetic
care.
Medicine.
Herbal
teas,
poultices,
massage,
and
food
ta-
boos

(observed
during
various
phases
of
an
individual's
de-
velopment
cycle)
are
all
part
of
routine
health
care
and
main-
tenance.
A
person
who
becomes
ill
or
suffers
an
injury
may,

as
has
been
true
since
before
contact,
ask
for
assistance
from
350
Tewa
Pueblos
one
of
the
medicine
men
or
from
a
woman
healer,
or
they
may
go
directly
to

a
local
Indian
health
clinic
or
physician's
office
for
treatment.
Often
people
use
a
combination
of
diagnostic
and
treatment
sources.
Death
and
Afterlife.
Death
occurs
as
a
result
of
old

age,
disease,
accident,
maltreatment
of
one's
own
body
(such
as
misuse
of
alcohol
or
other
drugs),
and
evil
spirits.
Funerals
are
held
for
the
deceased
as
soon
as
possible,
following

a
day
or
more
of
lying
in
state.
During
this
time,
family
and
friends
visit
the
deceased
and
their
close
kin
to
pay
their
respects.
The
funeral
ceremony
usually
combines

native
and
Catholic
religious
elements,
and
burial
usually
takes
place
in
the
grave-
yard
at
the
pueblo
where
the
deceased
lived.
The
spirit
of
a
deceased
person
is
thought
to

stay
close
to
the
pueblo
for
sev-
eral
days
following
death.
Various
measures
are
used
to
pro-
tect
the
living
from
untoward
response
to
such
spirits.
On
the
fourth
day

a
releasing
rite
is
held
by
family
and
community
elders
so
that
the
spirit
of
the
deceased
is
freed
and
encour-
aged
to
join
other
departed
spirits.
Bibliography
Dozier,
Edward

P.
(1966).
Hano:
A
Tewa
Indian
Community
in
Arizona.
New
York:
Holt,
Rinehart
&
Winston.
Dozier,
Edward
P.
(1970).
The
Pueblo
Indians
of
North
Amer-
ica.
New
York:
Holt,
Rinehart

&
Winston.
Ortiz,
Alfonso
(1969).
The
Tewa
World:
Space,
Time,
Being
and
Becoming
in
a
Pueblo
Society.
Chicago:
University
of
Chi-
cago
Press.
Ortiz,
Alfonso,
ed.
(1972).
New
Perspectives
on

the
Pueblos.
Albuquerque:
University
of
New
Mexico
Press.
Ortiz,
Alfonso,
ed.
(1979).
Handbook
of
North
American
Indi-
ans.
Vol.
9,
Southwest.
Washington,
D.C.:
Smithsonian
Insti-
tution.
Sando,
Joe
S.
(1976).

The
Pueblo
Indians.
San
Francisco:
In-
dian
Historian
Press.
SUE-ELLEN
JACOBS
whose
towns
extended
from
the
latter
point
nearly
to
Lillooet
on
the
Fraser
River,
to
within
a
short
distance

of
Ashcroft
on
the
Thompson
River,
and
in
the
Nicola
Valley.
Today,
about
fifteen
bands
live
in
the
area.
The
Thompson
were
probably
first
contacted
by
Simon
Fraser
during
his

explorations
in
1809.
The
traditional
culture
was
modified
by
influences
from
Victoria
established
in
the
1840s,
the
gold
miners
and
settlers
who
arrived
in
increasing
numbers
in
the
1850s,
and

the
smallpox
epidemics
of
1863
and
the
1880s
which
reduced
the
aboriginal
population
of
about
5,000.
By
the
turn
of
century,
most
Thompson
were
somewhat
assimilated
into
European-Canadian
society,
as

they
moved
into
areas
of
White
settlement
where
they
worked
as
wage
laborers
and
farmed,
hunted,
and
fished.
The
traditional
bands
were
individual
groups
of
related
families
with
hereditary
chiefs

with
limited
authority.
More
powerful
were
the
councils
composed
of
mature
men.
Salmon
was
the
staple
food,
often
caught
from
wooden
fishing
stages
built
over
fish
runs,
with
dip
nets

and
spears
used
as
well
as
traps
and
weirs.
The
salmon
were
dried
on
poles.
Various
mammals
such
as
deer,
bear,
beaver,
and
elk
were
hunted,
and
women
collected
berries,

fruits,
roots,
and
nuts.
Traditionally,
the
Thompson
were
seminomadic.
In
the
summer,
mat
tipis
(and
later
canvas
tipis
and
then
tents)
were
moved
to
different
hunting
grounds
and
berry
patches

as
the
season
progressed.
They
also
used
more
permanent
semi-
subterranean
earthlodges.
The
material
culture
included
birchbark
canoes,
coiled
baskets,
drums,
double-curved
bows,
snowshoes,
goat
wool
and
rabbit
fur
blankets,

and
skin
cloth-
ing.
Pubescent
girls
were
segregated
in
small
tipis,
and
dome-
shaped
sweat
lodges
covered
with
mats
or
canvas
were
also
used.
The
latter
were
used
by
adolescent

boys
during
their
quest
for
guardian
spirits.
Shamans
and
curers
worked
with
the
aid
of
these
spirits,
which
were
generally
animal
in
nature.
The
Thompson
believed
in
numerous
deities,
a

major
one
being
the
Chief
of
the
Dead.
Important
ceremonials
were
the
puberty
rites
for
girls,
the
First
Salmon
Ceremony,
and
vari-
ous
dances.
Bibliography
Teit,
James
A.
(1898).
Traditions

of
the
Thompson
River
Indi-
ans.
American
Folklore
Society,
Memoir
no.
6.
Philadelphia,
Pa.
Thompson
Teit,
James
A.
(1900).
The
Thompson
Indians
of
British
Co-
lumbia.
American
Museum
of
Natural

History
Memoirs,
vol.
2,
163-392.
New
York.
ETHNONYMS:
Knife
Indians,
Snare,
Thompson
River
Indians
The
Thompson
(Nlaka'pamux,
Ntlakyapamuk)
are
an
American
Indian
group
who
live
on
the
Fraser
and
Thompson

rivers
in
south-central
British
Columbia.
They
speak
an
Interior
Salish
language
closely
related
to
Shuswap
and
numbered
2,647
in
1967,
an
increase
from
the
1902
esti-
mate
of
1,825.
Internally,

they
were
divided
into
the
Lower
Thompson,
who
lived
from
just
below
Spuzzum
on
the
Fraser
River
nearly
to
the
village
of
Cisco
and
the
Upper
Thompson,
Tepper,
Leslie
H.,

ed.
(1987).
The
Interior
Salish
Tribes
of
British
Columbia:
A
Photographic
Essay.
Canadian
Museum
of
Civilization,
Mercury
Series,
Canadian
Ethnology
Service,
Paper
no.
111.
Ottawa.
Tlingit
351
Tillamook
The
Tillamook

(Calamox,
Gillamooks),
including
the
Ne-
halem,
Nestucca,
and
Siletz,
lived
along
the
northern
Oregon
coast
from
the
Nehalem
River
to
the
Salmon
River.
They
spoke
a
Coast
Salish
language
and

numbered
139
in
1970.
Bibliography
Pearson,
Clara
(1959).
Nehalem
Tillamook
Tales.
Edited
by
Melville
Jacobs.
University
of
Oregon
Monographs,
Studies
in
Anthropology,
no.
5.
Eugene.
Sauter,
John,
and
Bruce
Merton

(1974).
Tillamook
Indians
of
the
Oregon
Coast.
Portland:
Binfords
and
Mort.
Tlingit
ETHNONYMS:
Thlinget,
Thlinkets,
Tlinkit,
Lleeengit
Orientation
Identification.
The
Tlingit
are
an
American
Indian
group
located
in
southern
Alaska.

'Tingit"
means
"in
the
people."
Location.
The
Tlingit
continue
to
occupy
many
of
their
aboriginal
village
sites
along
the
southeastern
coast
of
Alaska
from
Ketchikan
to
Yakutat-54'40'
N
to
about

60°
N-and
from
the
coast
to
Lake
Atlin,
or
as
the
Tlingit
say,
the
"sec-
ond
mountain
range."
This
area
includes
many
offshore
is-
lands,
numerous
streams
emptying
into
inlets,

and
rugged
mountains
that
jut
up
from
the
edge
of
the
sea
and
whose
snow-capped
serrated
peaks
cover
most
of
the
area.
Demography.
Conservative
population
estimates
place
the
precontact
population

at
ten
thousand.
The
present
Tlingit
population
numbers
about
twenty-five
thousand.
Linguistic
Affiliation.
The
Tlingit
language
is
classified
in
the
Na-Dene
phylum.
Among
the
coastal
Tlingit,
northern,
central
and
southern

dialects
are
still
spoken
by
the
elders.
History
and
Cultural
Relations
Archaeological
data
suggest
that
a
Tlingit
or
proto-Thngit
population
inhabited
the
coast
of
southeastern
Alaska
by
seven
thousand
B.C.

Oral
history
traces
several
migration
routes
of
Tlingit
clans
down
various
rivers
that
flowed
from
the
interior
to
the
sea,
and
linguistic
data
reveal
a
close
affin-
ity
with
interior

groups.
While
the
neighboring
Haida
and
Tsimshian
tribes
were
pushing
some
southern
Tlingit
north-
ward,
the
northern
Tlingit
were
expanding
in
Eyak
and
Es-
kimo
territory.
British,
French,
and
Russian

interests
vied
for
control
of
Alaska
with
the
United
States
acquiring
final
con-
trol
over
the
rich
Alaskan
resources
in
1867.
Gunboat
diplo-
macy
instituted
by
the
United
States
undermined

local
Tlingit
autonomy
and
opened
up
the
territory
to
outside
set-
tlers
and
gold
prospectors.
Alaskan
natives
fought
back
by
or-
ganizing
the
Alaskan
Native
Brotherhood
in
1912
to
fight

for
their
civil
rights
and
subsistence
resources.
In
1929
the
Tlingit
began
a
struggle
to
regain
control
of
their
natural
re-
sources,
resulting
in
the
Alaska
Native
Claims
Settlement
Act

of
1971
transferring
some
100
million
acres
back
to
Alas-
kan
natives.
Settlements
Early
Tlingit
settlers
selected
village
sites
near
heavily
resourced
areas
along
protected
sections
of
coastline
ideal
for

beaching
canoes,
digging
clams,
acquiring
drinking
water,
and
catching
migrating
salmon.
An
expanding
Tlingit
popu-
lation,
increasing
competition
for
local
resources,
and
inten-
sifying
patterns
of
warfare
contributed
to
the

progressive
de-
velopment
of
four
types
of
villages:
the
local
household
village,
the
localized
clan
village,
the
local
moiety
village,
and
the
consolidated
clan
village.
In
early
times,
people
lived

in
one
large
community
longhouse,
which
served
as
shelter,
storage
place,
and
fort.
Population
increases
and
mounting
tension
contributed
to
the
breakup
of
the
large
household
into
several
smaller
related

lineage
households
sharing
a
com-
mon
fort.
Later,
in
a
third
settlement
stage,
two
intermarrying
clans
from
the
two
moieties
moved
together
to
reduce
dis-
tances,
share
resources,
and
increase

village
security.
Depop-
ulation
and
depletion
of
subsistence
resources
following
Eu-
ropean
contact
contributed
to
the
rise
of
a
fourth
settlement
pattern,
the
consolidated
clan
village,
composed
of
two
or

more
clans
from
both
moieties.
Economy
Subsistence
and
Commercial
Activities.
The
Tlingit
hunted
deer,
bear,
seals,
and
goats;
fished
for
salmon,
halibut,
and
herring;
and
gathered
roots,
berries,
and
shellfish.

Runs
of
salmon
choked
the
local
streams
each
year
as
five
species
of
salmon
migrated
to
their
spawning
grounds.
Fishnets
and
gaffing
hooks
were
used
to
haul
in
large
quantities

of
salmon
for
smoking
and
drying
for
winter
consumption.
The
rapid
depletion
of
the
population
by
foreign
diseases
and
Increased
reliance
upon
proceeds
from
fur
trapping
reduced
subsistence
resources
while

increasing
dependence
upon
foreign
trade
goods.
Today,
the
Tlingit
value
education,
resulting
in
many
members
working
in
business,
industry,
government,
and
the
professions.
Industrial
Arts.
Carving,
basket
making,
Chilkat
blanket

weaving,
beading,
and
metalworking
were
sources
of
income.
Gold
and
silver
coins
shaped
into
bracelets,
pendants,
and
rings
were
embellished
with
clan
symbols.
The
active
arts
and
crafts
trade
that

began
with
the
arrival
of
the
early
steamship
tourists
has
grown
in
volume
over
the
years,
and
several
Tlingit
villages
now
have
dancing
groups
that
perform
for
local
ceremonies
and

for
tourists.
Trade.
An
aboriginal
trade
network
flourished
between
the
interior
Athapaskans
and
the
Tlingit,
between
coastal
and
island
Tlingit,
and
with
the
neighboring
Eyak,
Haida,
Tsimshian,
and
Kwakiutl.
Native

trade
goods
such
as
cop-
pers,
shells,
slaves,
canoes,
carvings,
oulachan
oil,
and
furs
352
Tlingit
were
later
replaced
by
European
trade
goods,
including
guns,
ammunition,
knives,
axes,
blankets,
and

food.
Division
of
Labor.
Prior
to
the
decline
of
the
traditional
culture
around
1880,
Tlingit
men
hunted,
fished,
and
carved,
and
women
cleaned
fish,
gathered
food,
tanned
hides,
and
wove

baskets
and
blankets.
Today,
men
drive
diesel-powered
boats
equipped
with
hydraulic
hoists
and
large
nets,
and
women
work
in
modem
canneries
and
make
button
blankets
or
beaded
moccasins
from
commercial

materials.
Land
Tenure.
The
localized
clan
was
the
basic
holder
of
rights
to
fishing
streams,
tidelands,
and
hunting
grounds
in
traditional
Tlingit
villages.
Today,
clans
own
ceremonial
and
symbolic
ritual

items.
The
1971
Alaska
Native
Claims
Settle-
ment
Act
organized
the
Alaska
Tlingit
into
one
large
regional
corporation,
called
Sealaska.
Sealaska
received
title
to
330,000
acres
of
land
and
660,000

acres
of
mineral
rights;
it
had
total
assets
of
$216
million
as
of
March
1988.
Sealaska
governs
nine
village
corporations
each
of
which
received
title
to
20,040
acres
of
aboriginal

land
and
hundreds
of
thousands
of
dollars
in
cash
payments,
depending
upon
the
number
of
tribal
members.
Kinship
Kin
Groups
and
Descent.
Tlingit
society
is
divided
into
two
large
exogamous

moieties-Raven-Crow
and
Eagle-Wolf
(Crow
for
Inland
Tlingit
and
Wolf
for
Southern
Tlingit).
Each
moiety
contains
some
twenty
autonomous
matriclans.
Aboriginally,
each
exogamous
localized
matriclan
had
its
own
village
and
formed

marriage
alliances
with
other
communi-
ties.
Matriclans
that
intermarried
with
considerable
fre-
quency
within
a
given
region
formed
a
Kwaan,
or
district,
of
which
there
were
fourteen.
Following
depopulation
and

the
depletion
of
resources,
scattered
clans
within
Kwaans
moved
together
to
form
consolidated clan
villages
like
Angoon,
Hoonah,
and
Yakutat.
Local
matriclans
were
corporate
groups
holding
title
to
property,
real
estate,

and
ceremonial
objects.
A
matriclan
consisted
of
one
or
more
community
longhouses
in
which
descent
was
traced
matrilineally.
Line-
age,
clan,
and
moiety
affiliations
are
still
important
for
mar-
riage

and
ceremonial
purposes.
Kinship
Terminology.
Crow-type
kinship
terminology,
once
a
characteristic
of
Tlingit
society,
is
little
used
by
younger
members
today.
Marriage
and
Family
Marriage.
The
preferential
marriage
pattern
was

patrilat-
eral
cross-cousin
marriage-to
father's
sister's
daughter,
the
second
choice
was
a
member
of
the
paternal
grandfather's
or
great-grandfather's
clan;
and
a
third
choice
was
a
member
of
any
clan

in
the
opposite
moiety.
Marriage
within
one's
clan
and
moiety
were
strictly
forbidden
under
penalty
of
death
or
ostracism.
Arranged
marriages
have
rapidly
decreased
during
this
century,
although
patrilateral
marriages

are
still
encour-
aged.
Monogamy
was
the
general
rule
among
the
lower
classes,
and
polygamy
was
practiced
by
a
few
high-status
men
and
women.
Divorce
was
rare,
as
it
was

seen
as
an
offense
against
the
clans
of
both
spouses.
Marriage
prohibitions
within
the
clan
and
moiety
are
still
subscribed
to
in
principle,
though
broken
frequently
in
practice.
Domestic
Unit.

Until
the
turn
of
the
century,
the
lineage
community
longhouse
served
as
the
residential
unit.
Recent
government
housing
projects
have
largely
eliminated
the
need
for
community
households.
Presently,
lineage
and

clan
households
have
more
symbolic
than
economic
significance,
serving
as
the
repository
for
the
ceremonial
objects
and
as
a
symbol
of
clan
identity.
Inheritance.
Formerly,
property
was
passed
on
within

the
matriclan
with
much
of
the
wealth
going
from
uncle
to
nephew.
Presently,
material
possessions
are
inherited
in
typi-
cal
American
fashion,
although
ceremonial
goods
are
still
ex-
pected
to

be
passed
on
in
conformity
with
traditional
rules.
Socialization.
Many
elders
played
an
active
role
in
the
edu-
cation
of
Tlingit
youth.
Aunts
extolled
the
virtues
of
respect-
able
clan

leaders,
and
maternal
uncles
rigorously
and
rigidly
guided
their
nephews
through
adolescence,
teaching
them
basic
hunting,
fishing,
carving,
and
fighting
skills.
Grand-
mothers
or
maternal
aunts
spend
considerable
time
with

pu-
bescent
girls,
preparing
them
for
childbearing
and
teaching
them
clan
history
and
domestic
skills
such
as
food
prepara-
tion,
basket
weaving,
and
basic
hygiene.
Elders
still
maintain
a
strong

influence
even
among
the
large
number
of
members
who
have
attended
college.
Sociopolitical
Organization
Social
Organization.
The
Tlingit
were
stratified
into
three
social
classes:
(1)
high-class
anyaddi,
(2)
commoners,
or

kanackideh,
and
(3)
low-class
nitckakaku.
Individuals
and
groups
were
also
ranked
within
the
clan
and
between
clans,
depending
upon
their
wealth,
titles,
and
achievements.
High-
class
people
managed
and
controlled

strategic
resources
and
used
them
to
promote
individual
and
group
status.
Class
and
rank
remain
important
in
Tlingit
villages.
Political
Organization.
Each
aboriginal
settlement
was
owned
by
a
localized
clan

whose
claims
were
documented
through
stories
and
symbols,
with
other
clans
residing
in
their
village
viewed
as
guests.
Leadership
and
councils
at
the
household,
clan,
and
local
moiety
levels
were

traditional
po-
litical
units
and
remain
influential.
Today,
three
ethnic
asso-
ciations
address
Tlingit
concerns.
The
Alaska
Native
Broth-
erhood
serves
as
cultural
broker
and
advocate;
the
Tlingit-
Haida
Organization

with
some
14,500
members
of
Tlingit
descent
promotes
housing
and
social
welfare;
and
Sealaska,
the
largest
corporation
in
Alaska,
provides
growing
economic
and
political
clout.
Social
Control.
Shame
and
rank

were
powerful
motivators
for
enforcing
traditional
social
norms.
Individuals
were
said
to
define
their
status
by
the
way
they
conducted
themselves,
with
all
ill-mannered
persons
bringing
shame
upon
their
line-

age
and
clan.
Thus,
elders
held
a
tight
rein
on
youths.
Fear
of
accusation
of
witchcraft
or
ridicule
also
influenced
behavior.
Several
Tlingit
villages
now
have
their
own
mayor,
city

coun-
cil,
police
force,
and
school
boards
along
with
other
adminis-
trative
services.
Conflict.
Aboriginally,
conflicts
arose
over
assaults,
in-
sults,
or
damages
suffered
by
individuals
and
groups
to
them.

selves
or
their
property.
Such
conflicts
were
usually
resolved
through
payment
of
wealth
or,
in
some
cases,
killing
the
of-
fender.
Conflicts
with
Whites
over
the
past
century
centered
around

aboriginal
resources,
civil
rights,
and
civil
liberties.
Tolowa
353
The
persistence
of
these
conflicts
contributes
to
alcohol
abuse
and
other
drug
abuse.
Religion
and
Expressive
Culture
Religious
Belief.
Early
records

suggest
that
the
Tlingit
believed
in
a
creator,
Kah-shu-goon-yah,
whose
name
was
sa-
cred
and
never
mentioned
above
a
whisper.
This
primordial
grandfather,
or
"divisible-rich-man,"
controlled
the
sun,
moon,
stars,

and
daylight
in
addition
to
creating
all
living
things.
Little
more
is
known
of
him.
The
sacred
past
centers
upon
Raven
(cultural
hero,
benefactor,
trickster,
and
rascal)
who
was
credited

with
organizing
the
world
in
its
present
form
and
in
initiating
many
Tlingit
customs.
Raven
was
never
rep-
resented,
symbolized,
or
made
equal
with
the
supreme
being
who
transcended
Tlingit

legends.
The
Tlingit
inhabited
a
world
filled
with
spirits,
or
jek.
These
spirits
could
manifest
their
power
through
individuals,
animals,
or
things.
Since
every
material
object
or
physical
force
could

be
inhabited
by
a
spirit,
Tlingit
were
taught
to
respect
everything
in
the
uni-
verse.
The
penalty
for
disrespect
was
the
loss
of
ability
to
ob-
tain
food.
Properly
purified

persons
could
acquire
spirit
power
for
curing
illnesses,
for
protection
in
warfare,
for
success
in
obtaining
wealth,
and
for
ceremonial
prerogatives.
Each
Tlingit
had
a
mortal
and
an
immortal
spirit.

Religious
Practitioners.
Two
options
open
to
youths
were
to
seek
good
power
and
help
the
community
or
to
seek
evil
power
and
threaten
the
community.
Every
Tlingit
had
a
per-

sonal
guardian
spirit,
or
tu-kina-jek.
Spirit
doctors,
or
ichet,
received
more
powerful
spirits
and
therefore
could
treat
the
sick
with
herbs,
discern
the
presence
of
evil,
predict
the
fu-
ture,

and
protect
the
community
from
evil
forces.
Witches,
or
nukw-sati,
sought
evil
power
and
used
it
to
harm
others.
Ceremonies.
Dancing
societies
never
gained
a
major
foot-
hold
in
Tlingit

society
as
they
did
in
neighboring
Northwest
Coast
tribes.
The
Tlingit
sought
their
power
primarily
through
their
clan
spirit
doctor
whom
they
trusted
to
help
and
not
to
harm
them.

Politicoreligious
ceremonies
called
potlatches,
or
koolex,
marked
significant
events
in
the
life
of
the
clan
and
its
members.
Sacred
songs,
dances,
symbols,
and
stories
accompanied
all
changes
in
social
stature,

political
leadership,
and
ceremonial
objects
within
the
clan.
Arts.
Carving
of
house
posts,
heraldic
screens,
chiefs'
hats,
chiefs'
staffs,
and
weaving
of
Chilkat
blankets
were
highly
ac-
claimed.
Wood-carvers,
metalworkers,

and
blanket
weavers
continue
to
use
their
traditional
clan
symbols
(kotea)
to
indi-
cate
ownership
and
identity.
Medicine.
Every
family
possessed
a
basic
knowledge
of
herbs
and
principles
of
hygiene

and
for
the
most
part
were
medically
self-sufficient.
Occasionally,
a
spirit
doctor,
who
possessed
superior
knowledge
of
herbal
medicines
and
special
spirit
power,
was
called
in
for
difficult
cases
after

household
remedies
failed.
Contemporary
Tlingit
do
not
hesitate
to
con-
sult
modem
medical
facilities
when
the
need
arises.
Death
and
Afterlife.
Spirits
of
the
dead
traveled
to
the
ap-
propriate

level
of
heaven
commensurate
with
their
moral
con-
duct
in
this
life.
Morally
respectable
people
went
to
the
high-
est
heaven,
Kiwa-a,
a
realm
of
happiness;
moral
delinquents
went
to

a
second
level,
or
Dog
Heaven,
Ketl-kiwa,
a
place
of
torment.
Individuals
remained
in
the
afterworld
for
a
period
of
time
and
then
returned
to
this
world
as
a
reincarnation

of
some
deceased
maternal
relative.
Bibliography
Krause,
Aurel
(1970).
The
Tlingit
Indians.
Translated
by
Ema
Gunther.
Seattle:
University
of
Washington
Press.
Originally
published,
1885.
Laguna,
Frederica
de.
(1972).
Under
Mount

Saint
Elias:
The
History
and
Culture
of
the
Yakutat
Tlingit.
Washington,
D.C.:
Smithsonian
Institution
Press.
Oberg,
Kalervo
(1973).
The
Social
Economy
of
the
Tlingit
Indi-
ans.
Seattle:
University
of
Washington

Press.
Originally
pub-
lished,
1937.
Tollefson,
Kenneth
(1976).
"The
Cultural
Foundations
of
Po-
litical
Revitalization
among
the
Tlingit."
Ph.D.
diss.,
University
of
Washington.
KENNETH
TOLLEFSON
Tolowa
ETHNONYMS:
Talawa,
Tah-le-wah
The

Tolowa
are
an
American
Indian
group
numbering
about
two
hundred
whose
ancestors
in
the
early
nineteenth
century
numbered
about
twenty-four
hundred
and
were
lo-
cated
in
the
Pacific
coast
region

from
the
Oregon
boundary
of
California
south
to
Wilson
Creek.
In
1850
the
California
gold
rush
reached
the
Tolowa
area,
and
in
the
latter
part
of
the
century
the
Tolowa

population
was
decimated
by
measles
and
cholera.
Subsequently,
they
were
removed
to
small
reser-
vations
and
rancherias
where
most
intermarried
with
other
North
American
Indian
groups.
The
Tolowa
spoke
an

Athapaskan
language
and
were
a
fishing
and
gathering
people.
Traditionally,
in
the
summers
on
the
coast
the
Tolowa
fished
for
smelt
and
hunted
sea
mammals
from
forty-foot
redwood
canoes;
in

the
autumn
they
moved
inland
to
temporary
camps
where
they
fished
for
salmon
and
gathered
acorns.
Prestige
was
gained
through
the
accumulation
of
wealth,
consisting
primarily
of
obsidian
knives,
headdresses

of
red-headed
woodpecker
scalps
and
dentalium
shell
bead
necklaces;
the
wealthiest
man
in
a
vil-
lage
was
usually
its
headman.
The
important
religious
ceremonies
of
the
Tolowa
were
connected
with

catching
the
season's
first
salmon,
smelt,
or
sea
lion.
Both
men
and
women
could
serve
as
shamans
and
cured
the
sick
by
dancing,
trancing,
magical
formulas,
and
sucking
the
sources

of
evil
out
of
the
afflicted.
The
dead
were
wrapped
in
tule
mats
and
buried
along
with
shell
beads
and
other
objects.
354
Tolowa.
Bibliography
Drucker,
Philip
(1937).
The
Tolowa

and
Their
Southwestern
Oregon
Kin.
University
of
California
Publications
in
Ameri-
can
Archaeology
and
Ethnology
36,
221-300.
Berkeley.
Gould,
Richard
(1968).
"Seagoing
Canoes
among
the
Indi-
ans
of
Northwestern
California."

Ethnohistory
15:11-42.
Tonkawa
ETHNONYM:
Konkone
The
Tonkawa
(Titskan
wititch)
group,
which
included
the
Cava,
Emet,
Ervipiame,
Mayeye,
Sana,
Tohaha,
Toho,
Tusolivi,
Ujuiap,
Yojuane,
and
Tonkawa
proper,
lived
until
the
mid-nineteenth

century
in
east-central
Texas
in
an
area
between
Cibolo
Creek
on
the
southwest
and
Trinity
River
on
the
northeast.
They
spoke
a
language
that
may
have
been
re-
lated
to

Karankawa,
Comecrudo,
and
Cotoname
within
the
Coahuiltecan
stock,
but
is
usually
classified
as
a
language
iso-
late
in
the
Macro-Algonkian
phylum.
The
Tonkawa
now
live
in
a
federal
trust
area

in
north-central
Oklahoma
and
are
known
as
the
Tonkawa
Tribe
of
Oklahoma.
There
were
an
es-
timated
1,600
Tonkawa
in
the
seventeenth
century,
but
epi-
demics,
warfare,
and
massacres
took

their
toll,
and
there
were
only
181
members
enrolled
in
the
tribe
in
1984.
Although
the
Tonkawa
no
doubt
encountered
Cabeza
de
Vaca
in
1542,
sustained
contact
with
Europeans
did

not
begin
until
1691.
Between
1746
and
1749
the
Tonkawa
were
gathered
into
missions
on
the
San
Xavier
(San
Gabriel)
River,
but
these
were
given
up
in
1756.
During
the

nineteenth
century
they
were
often
at
war
with
the
Comanche,
Lipan
Apache,
and
Caddo,
as
well
as
with
the
Spanish.
In
1862,
137
of
a
group
of
300
Tonkawa
were

massacred
by
a
mixed
group
of
Delaware,
Caddo,
and
Shawnee.
In
1884,
the
surviv-
ing
Tonkawa
were
given
a
reservation
in
Oklahoma,
which
later
became
the
trust
territory
where
they

now
reside.
Culturally,
the
Tonkawa
displayed
features
of
the
south-
em
Plains
and
Gulf
regions.
Their
early
acquisition
of
the
horse
and
dependence
on
the
bison
and
absence
of
sea

re-
sources
suggest
that
during
historic
times
they
more
closely
fit
the
Plains
pattern.
The
Tonkawa
consisted
of
a
number
of
au-
tonomous
bands
who
led
a
nomadic
hunting
and

gathering
life.
The
matrilineal
clan
was
the
basic
social
unit,
with
a
number
of
clans
making
up
a
band.
Each
band
was
led
by
a
chief,
elected
by
a
council

of
mature
men.
Polygynous
mar-
riage
was
permitted,
and
the
sororate
and
levitate
were
cus-
tomary.
They
lived
in
small,
scattered
villages
and
moved
often,
following
large
game
and
searching

for
other
food-
stuffs.
Prior
to
contact
they
probably
lived
in
small,
conical
huts
covered
with
branches
or
bison
hides.
Later,
they
adopted
a
smaller
version
of
the
hide-covered
tipi.

Subsist-
ence
was
based
on
the
bison,
which
provided
food,
clothing,
utensils,
and
materials
for
trade
with
Whites.
They
also
hunted
deer,
bear,
and
small
mammals
and
gathered
many
wild

plant
foods.
Little
is
known
of
the
traditional
religion,
other
than
that
there
were
several
deities.
Bibliography
Hasskarl,
Robert
A.,
Jr.
(1962).
"The
Culture
and
History
of
the
Tonkawa
Indians."

Plains
Anthropologist
7:217-231.
Jones,
William
K.
(1969).
Notes
on
the
History
and
Material
Culture
of
the
Tonkawa
Indians.
Smithsonian
Contributions
to
Anthropology,
2(5).
Washington,
D.C.
Newcomb,
William
W.,
Jr.
(1961).

The
Indians
of
Texas
from
Prehistoric
to
Modern
Times.
Austin:
University
of
Texas
Press.
Sjoberg,
Andree
F.
(1953).
"The
Culture
of
the
Tonkawa."
Texas
Journal
of
Science
5:280-304.
Tsimshian
ETHNONYMS:

Chimmesyan,
Skeena
The
Tsimshian
are
a
Northwest
Coast
group
who
lived
and
continue
to
live
along
the
Nass
and
Skeena
rivers
and
nearby
coastal
regions
of
British
Columbia.
In
the

early
1800s,
the
Tsimshian
numbered
as
many
as
10,000.
In
1980,
there
were
nearly
that
number
in
British
Columbia
and
942
in
the
Metlakatla
Community
on
the
Annette
Island
Reserve.

The
Tsimshian
were
composed
of
three
subgroups
(some
ex-
perts
say
they
were
separate
groups):
Tsimshian,
Niska
(Nass
River),
and
Gitksan
(Kitksan).
Tsimshian
is
a
Penutian
lan-
guage,
and
four

dialects
were
spoken
aboriginally.
Sustained
contact
with
Europeans
began
in
the
early
1700s
and
focused
on
Tsimshian
involvement
in
the
fur
trade,
first
with
the
Russians
and
then
with
the

English
and
the
Americans.
This
involvement
brought
many
Tsimshian
closer
to
the
coast
and
culminated
in
the
formation
of
the
large
town
of
Fort
Simpson
around
the
Hudson's
Bay
Com-

pany
post
of
the
same
name
beginning
in
1834.
In
1887
the
missionary
William
Duncan,
seeking
political
and
religious
freedom,
led
a
group
of
942
Tsimshian
to
Annette
Island
where

they
founded
the
Metlakatla
Community.
The
com-
munity
is
noted
today
for
its
progressive
economic
policies
and
relatively
high
quality
of
life.
The
Tsimshian
in
Canada
are
now
divided
into

sixteen
bands
and
live
on
reserves
in
their
traditional
territory.
In
both
Alaska
and
Canada
salmon
fishing
remains
an
important
subsistence
and
commercial
ac-
tivity,
although
modem
technology
such
as

power
boats
have
replaced
the
traditional
technology.
As
with
all
Northwest
Coast
groups,
the
social
and
polit-
ical
organization
of
Tsimshian
society
was
multilayered
and
involved
social
classes,
kin
ties,

and
territorial
units.
There
were
four
social
classes:
royalty,
nobles,
commoners,
and
slaves.
The
basic
territorial
units
were
the
villages,
controlled
by
the
matrilineages.
Societal-level
integration
was
achieved
Tunica
355

through
affiliation
with
one
of
the
four
matriclans,
potlatch-
ing,
clan
exogamy,
and
patrilocal
postmarital
residence.
The
Tsimshian
displayed
many
cultural
features
typical
of
the
Northwest
Coast
including
potlatches,
large

plank
houses,
an
economy
based
on
the
sea
and
especially
salmon
fishing,
slav-
ery,
and
totem
poles.
The
Tsimshian
are
known
for
originat-
ing
the
Chilkat
blanket,
with
clan
crests

woven
from
moun-
tain
goat
wool
and
yellow
cedar
bark.
Once
a
medium
of
exchange,
the
blankets
are
now
valuable
collector's
items.
Bibliography
Garfield,
Viola
(1939).
Tsimshian
Clan
and
Society.

Univer-
sity
of
Washington
Publications
in
Anthropology,
no.
7,
167-340.
Seattle:
University
of
Washington
Press.
Miller,
Jay,
and
Carol
M.
Eastman
(1984).
The
Tsimshian
and
Their
Neighbors
of
the
North

Pacific
Coast.
Seattle:
University
of
Washington
Press.
Tubatulabal
ETHNONYMS:
Kern
River
Indians,
Te-bot-e-lob-e-lay
The
Tubatulabal
inhabited
the
drainage
area
of
the
upper
Kern
River
in
California's
southern
Sierra
Nevada
foot-

hills
region.
They
were
loosely
organized
into
three
politically
discrete
bands
(Pahkanapil,
Palegawan,
and
Bankalachi
[Toloimi)
having
a
high
degree
of
internal
unity.
They
spoke
mutually
intelligible
dialects
of
Tubatulabal,

a
Uto-Aztecan
language.
Only
the
Pahkanapil
survived
the
intensive
White
settlement
of
their
territory
that
began
in
the
1850s.
Each
band
had
a
chief
(timiwal)
who,
though
he
had
little

author-
ity,
acted
as
arbitrator
and
band
representative;
he
also
had
some
politicoadministrative
duties.
The
timiwal
was
usually
elected
by
the
elder
males
of
the
various
band
hamlets.
A
number

of
mobile
family
groups
made
up
a
band.
These
lived
in
semipermanent
hamlets
near
the
rivers
during
the
winter
months
but
roamed
widely
during
the
remainder
of
the
year.
The

individual
households
contained
a
single,
biological,
bi-
lateral
family,
but
also
contained
dependents
of
various
types.
Marriage
was
of
two
forms-gift
exchange
and
groom
service.
There
was
no
marriage
ritual

or
postmarital
residence
rules.
There
was
little
inheritance
since
most
personal
possessions
were
destroyed
after
death.
Real
property
was
not
inherited.
Limited
warfare
occurred
with
the
neighboring
Yokuts,
Koso,
and

Kawaiisu,
motivated
by
revenge
for
attacks
by
them.
The
timiwal
was
expected
to
settle
hostilities.
There
was
much
trade,
both
long
and
short
distance,
especially
for
white
clam-
shell
discs,

a
form
of
money.
First
contact occurred
in
1776
with
the
visit
of
Francisco
Garcis.
In
the
ensuing
years
the
Tubatulabal
came
into
con-
tact
with
the
Spanish
on
trading
trips

to
the
California
coast,
but
they
were
not
missionized
by
the
Spanish.
Extensive
con-
tact
with
European-Americans
began
in
the
1850s
with
the
establishment
of
ranches
in
the
area
followed

by
the
1857
gold
rush.
Some
conflicts
with
local
Whites
and
the
U.S.
Army
resulted
in
many
deaths.
By
1875
most
male
Tubatulabal
were
employed by
White
ranchers,
and
in
1893

the
surviving
Pahkanapil
and
Palegawan
were
allotted
land
in
the
Kern
and
South
Fork
valleys.
Most
still
live
in
the
Kern
River
valley
area.
In
1972
there
were
forty-three
full-

and
mixed-bloods
living
there,
with
seven
that
could
be
counted
in
other
parts
of
California.
Aboriginal
material
culture
was
simple.
During
winter,
circular
domed
brush-
and
mud-covered
one-family
houses
were

used.
Unwalled
shelters
were
used
during
the
warmer
months.
Most
hamlets
had
an
associated
sweat
house
made
of
branches,
poles,
and
brush,
covered
with
mud
and
located
near
a
natural

or
dammed
pool.
Women
made
coiled
and
twined
baskets
of
split
willow
or
yucca
roots
and
deer
grass,
and
coiled
pottery.
Self-
and
sinew-backed
bows
were
used
for
hunting
and

warfare.
Many
varieties
of
nets,
traps,
snares,
and
throwing
sticks
were
used
in
hunting.
Basket
traps,
nets,
harpoons,
fishhooks,
and
corrals
were used
for
fishing.
Subsistence
was
based
on
hunting,
fishing,

and
gather-
ing;
there
was
no
horticulture.
Acorns
and
pifion
nuts
were
staples,
with
fish
second
in
importance.
A
variety
of
small
seeds,
shoots,
leaves,
bulbs,
tubers,
and
berries
was

collected.
Most
gathering
was
done
by
the
women.
Rock
salt,
collected
by
men,
was
used
for
seasoning
and
preserving
meat.
Large
game
(deer,
bear,
mountain
lion,
mountain
sheep,
antelope)
was

hunted.
Communal
antelope
drives
were
made
with
the
Yokuts
and
Kawaiisu
in
the
San
Joaquin
valley.
Rabbits
were
the only
small
game
actually
hunted,
usually
in
communal
rabbit
drives.
The
Tubatulabal

lacked
any
concept
of
a
supreme
deity,
but
believed
in
a
number
of
spirits,
both
human
and
animal,
and
all
treated
with
respect.
Both
men
and
women
could
be-
come

shamans.
Male
shamans
had
both
curing
and
witching
powers;
the
females
had
only
witching
power.
Jimsonweed
was
used
to
cure
sickness
and
obtain
supernatural
help.
All
misfortunes
and
death
were

attributed
to
witchcraft.
There
were
no
puberty
rites.
Bibliography
Smith,
Charles
R.
(1978).
'Tubatulabal."
In
Handbook
of
North
American
Indians,
Vol.
8,
California,
edited
by
Robert
F.
Heizer,
437-445.
Washington,

D.C.:
Smithsonian
Insti-
tution.
Voegelin,
Erminie
W.
(1938).
Tubatulabal
Ethnography.
Uni-
versity
of
California
Anthropological
Records,
2(1),
1-84.
Berkeley.
Tunica
The
Tunica,
plus
the
Koroa,
Tiou
(Tioux),
and
Yazoo,
lived

in
west-central
Mississippi
and
northeastern
Louisiana.
Their
356
Tunica
descendants
live
in
a
community
near
Marksville,
Louisiana.
They
spoke
a
language
isolate
in
the
Macro-Algonkian
phy-
lum
and
numbered
only

a
few
dozen
in
the
1980s.
Bibliography
Brain,
Jeffrey
P.,
et
al.
(1979).
Tunica
Treasure.
Harvard
Uni-
versity,
Peabody
Museum
of
Archaeology
and
Ethnology,
Pa-
pers,
no.
71.
Cambridge.
Tutchone

The
Tutchone
(Tutchonekutchin),
an
Athapaskan-speaking
group,
live
in
the
general
drainage
area
of
the
upper
Yukon
River
in
Yukon
Territory
in
Canada
and
were
culturally
simi-
lar
to
the
Kutchin,

their
neighbors
to
the
north.
They
num-
bered
around
fifteen
hundred
in
1974.
Bibliography
McClellan,
Catharine
(1981).
"Tutchone."
In
Handbook
of
North
American
Indians,
Vol.
6,
Subarctic,
edited
by
June

Helm
493-505.
Washington,
D.C.:
Smithsonian
Institution.
Tuscarora
The
Tuscarora
are
an
American
Indian
group
living
on
the
Tuscarora
Indian
Reservation
in
New
York
State
and
the
Six
Nations
Reserve
in

Ontario.
In
the
1980s
the
Tuscarora
in
New
York
and
Ontario
numbered
approximately
fifteen
hun-
dred.
In
late
aboriginal
and
early
historic
times
the
Tuscarora
occupied
an
extensive
territory
along

the
Roanoke,
Tar,
Pamlico,
and
Neuse
rivers
in
present-day
North
Carolina.
In
the
early
eighteenth
century
they
were
driven
out
of
their
ter-
ritory
after
a
series
of
devastating
wars

with
White
colonists.
They
migrated
north,
where
they
were
adopted
by
the
Iroquois
tribes
and
accepted
as
members
of
the
Iroquois
Con-
federacy
in
1722.
The
Tuscarora
participated
in
the

councils
of
the
league,
but
their
chiefs
were
not
given
the
position
of
sachem
in
the
council.
Before
migrating
north
the
Tuscarora
economy
had
been
based
on
a
combination
of

horticulture,
hunting,
gathering,
and
fishing.
Once
joined
with
the
Iroquois,
they
settled
on
lands
given
to
them
by
the
Seneca
and
adopted
Iroquoian
cultural
and
organizational
patterns.
During
the
American

Revolution
many
Tuscarora
were
forced
by
circumstances
to
side
with
the
British
and
subse-
quently
were
granted
lands
on
Six
Nations
Reserve.
Those
Tuscarora
able
to
remain
neutral
during
the

war
were
granted
the
lands
they
occupied
in
New
York
State.
See
also
Iroquois
Twana
The
Twana
(Skokomish,
Toanhooches)
lived
on
the
south-
eastern
side
of
the
Olympic
Peninsula
in

northwestern
Wash-
ington,
on
both
sides
of
the
Hood
Canal.
They
now
live
on
or
near
the
Skokomish
Indian
Reservation
in
Washington.
They
spoke
a
Coast
Salish
language
and
numbered

about
one
thousand
in
the
1980s.
Bibliography
Eells,
Myron
(1985).
The
Indians
of
Puget
Sound.
Seattle:
University
of
Washington
Press.
Elmendorf,
William
W.
(1960).
The
Structure
of
Twana
Cul-
ture.

Washington
State
Research
Studies,
Monographic
Sup-
plement
no.
2.
Pullman.
Bibliography
Boyce,
Douglas
W.
(1973).
"Did
a
Tuscarora
Confederacy
Exist?"
Indian
Historian
6:34-40.
Johnson,
Frank
R.
(1967-1968).
The
Tuscaroras:
Mythology,

Medicine,
Culture.
Murfreesboro,
N.C.:
Johnson
Publishing
Co.